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This paper examines the drivers of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and tests various means of increasing people’s willingness to receive a COVID-19 vaccine. The study draws on data collected through a broadly representative phone survey with 2,533 respondents and an online randomized survey experiment with 2,392 participants in Papua New Guinea. Both surveys show that less than 20 percent of the respondents who were aware a vaccine existed were willing to be vaccinated. The main reason respondents stated for their hesitancy regarding the vaccine was concern about side effects; however, the majority also said health workers could change their mind, particularly if information was communicated in person. The phone survey illustrated that people’s level of trust in the vaccine and their beliefs about the behavior of others are strongly associated with their intention to get a COVID-19 vaccine. In contrast, people’s concern about COVID-19, most trusted source of information (including social media), and vaccination history were unrelated to their intention to get vaccinated. The online experiment showed that a message that emphasized the relative safety of the vaccine by highlighting that severe side effects are rare, while also emphasizing the dangers of COVID-19, increased intention to get vaccinated by around 50 percent. Collectively, these results suggest that policy makers would be well placed to direct their efforts to boosting the general population’s trust that getting vaccinated substantially reduces the risk of severe illness or death from COVID-19.

Clientelism is a central feature of politics in Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea. Most voters vote in search of personalized or localized benefit, and most politicians focus on delivering benefits to their supporters at the expense of national governance. In this article, I explain how clientelism impedes development in both countries. I then describe underdevelopment's role in causing clientelism. I also explain the resulting trap: clientelism causes underdevelopment, and underdevelopment causes clientelism. Because of the trap, clientelism will shape the two countries' politics for the foreseeable future. However, the history of other countries gives cause to believe it can be overcome in the long‐run. In the second half of the paper, I explain how change may occur. I also outline implications for aid policy, looking at how clientelism constrains the impact aid can have, and explaining how donors can act to maximize their impact in a difficult environment.

In this article, we use data from the 2013 and 2015 Australian Aid Stakeholder Surveys to gauge the extent of the changes to the Australian Government Aid Program since the 2013 federal election. The two surveys targeted the same set of stakeholders of the aid program, and both gathered data on a wide range of aspects of its functioning. As we assess the findings that emerged from the surveys, we situate our work amongst recent academic studies that have looked at the post‐2013 aid changes in Australia. Our key findings are that the post‐2013 changes to Australian aid have had wide‐ranging impacts and have led to deteriorating overall aid quality. However, changes have not affected all aspects of the aid program equally, and some changes are starting to be reversed. In discussion, we examine what these developments mean for the future of Australian aid.

Donor country publics typically know little about how much aid their governments give. This paper reports on three experiments conducted in Australia designed to study whether providing accurate information on government giving changes people’s views about aid. Treating participants by showing them how little Australia gives or by showing declining generosity has little effect. However, contrasting Australian aid cuts with increases in the United Kingdom raises support for aid substantially. Motivated reasoning likely explains the broad absence of findings in the first two treatments. Concern with international norms and perceptions likely explains the efficacy of the third treatment.

This book contains a record of Solomon Islands’ electoral history from 1967 to 2013. The first section provides background and some basic analysis of the results of elections for Solomon Islands’ national parliament. The second section contains election results, by year and electorate, for every general election from 2010 to 1967. The third section covers election results, by year and electorate, for every by‐election for which election results still exist (some by‐election results have been lost). An appendix at the end of the book provides details on current electorates and a map of Solomon Islands electorates. Please note that the data in the results tables are not official election results. Sometimes they have come from newspaper reports and other reporting as well as the Solomon Islands Gazette (the country’s official parliament gazette). You can find (most) official election results in the Solomon Islands Gazette. Results presented in this book have been checked back to source data but we cannot guarantee the original sources were accurate in every instance.

High Throughput Screening (HTS) is a successful strategy for finding hits and leads that have the opportunity to be converted into drugs. In this paper we highlight novel computational methods used to select compounds to build a new screening file at Pfizer and the analytical methods we used to assess their quality. We also introduce the novel concept of molecular redundancy to help decide on the density of compounds required in any region of chemical space in order to be confident of running successful HTS campaigns.