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Alors que l’entreprise reste une institution majeure, l’entreprise coopérative demeure encore relativement peu étudiée malgré sa contribution significative et durable aux systèmes économiques. Nous proposons de l’aborder à partir d’une convention d’identité coopérative fondée sur la propriété collective et la gouvernance démocratique. À partir de différentes études de cas, nous dégageons les propriétés de cette convention d’identité coopérative et la manière dont elles entrent potentiellement en tension avec les contraintes sectorielles et territoriales. L’originalité de notre apport réside dans l’analyse de cette convention d’identité coopérative et dans la compréhension de ses ajustements et compromis, à travers une grille analytique, au croisement des logiques sectorielles et territoriales. Notre conceptualisation s’inscrit dans la perspective d’une singularisation de l’entreprise coopérative dans une lecture institutionnaliste. While the firm remains a major institution, the cooperative firm remains relatively understudied despite its significant and enduring presence in economic systems. In this article, we highlight the specificity of cooperatives based on a convention of cooperative identity founded on collective ownership and democratic governance. Using case studies, we reveal how the cooperative identity convention and the search for equilibrium caught in sectoral and territorial constraints are expressed. The originality of our contribution lies in the analysis of the cooperative identity convention and the highlighting of adjustments and compromises at the crossroads of sectoral rules and territorial logics. Our conceptualization is in line with the idea of singling out the cooperative enterprise in an institutionalist interpretation. Si bien la empresa sigue siendo una institución importante, la empresa cooperativa permanece relativamente poco estudiada a pesar de su contribución significativa y duradera a los sistemas económicos. Proponemos abordarlo desde una convención de identidad cooperativa basada en la propiedad colectiva y la gobernabilidad democrática. A partir de diferentes estudios de caso, identificamos las propiedades de esta convención de identidad cooperativa y la forma en que potencialmente entran en tensión con las limitaciones sectoriales y territoriales. La originalidad de nuestro aporte radica en el análisis de esta convención de identidad cooperativa y en la comprensión de sus ajustes y compromisos, a través de una malla analítica, en la encrucijada de las lógicas sectoriales y territoriales. Nuestra conceptualización se enmarca en la perspectiva de una singularización de la empresa cooperativa en una lectura institucionalista.

Democracy is perceived as the best form of inclusive governance because it allows for periodic selection or rejection of key government officials in free and fair elections. With this, democratic governments tend to operate with high sense of responsibility, probity and equity. While democracy is a laudable form of government, it is a process and not a state and collective efforts are needed to guarantee its proper development and protect it from being hijacked and derailed. There is evidence that democracy in Nigeria has not been evolving properly since political independence in 1960 because of long period of military interregna and presence of civilian cabals who often hijack power at all levels of governance. There is also evidence that almost all general elections under Nigeria’s democracy have been characterized by irregularities and malpractices. Incidentally, the country has a heavily populated, robust and politically active mass media industry. This discourse therefore focuses on how the mass media can contribute to the survival of democracy in Nigeria through effective political communication, serving as societal “watchdog”, setting of societal agenda and serving as societal documentation resource., {"references":["Adegbola, O. & Gearhart, S. (2019). Examining the relationship between media use and political engagement: A comparative study among the United States, Kenya and Nigeria. International Journal of Communication, 13, 1231-1251.","Aghamelu, F. C. (2013). The role of the Mass media in the Nigerian electoral process. Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities, 14(2), 154-172.","Akeem, R. A.; Oyeyinka, O. T.; Qasim, A. O.; Lateef, O.; Omolayo, J. & Onyinyechi, N. (2013). Deregulation of broadcast media in Nigeria: An appraisal. Kuwait Chapter of Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review, 3(3), 6-13.","Asemah, E. S.; Nwammuo, A. N. & Nkwam-Uwaoma, A. O. A (2017). Theories and models of communication. (Revised Ed.). Jos: Jos University Press.","Brown, G. M. (2013). Nigerian political system: An analysis. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 3(S10), 172-179.","Ojo, E. (2013). The mass media and the challenges of sustainable democratic values in Nigeria: Possibilities and limitations. Media, Culture and Society, 25, 821-840.","Duyile, D. (2019, October 25). Re-enacting Henry Townsend's Iwe Irohin 160 years after in Abeokuta. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://guardian.ng/opinion/re-enacting-henry-townsends-iwe-irohin-160-years-after-in-abeokuta/","Egobiambu, E. (2022, August 31). \"Jonathan asks Nigerians to protect democracy from derailment\". Channels Tv. Retrieved from https://channelstv.com/2022/08/31/jonathan-asks-nigerians-to-protect-democracy-from-derailing-into-fascism/amp","European Consortium for Political Research (2019). \"Political Communication\". ECPR Standing Group on Political Communication in ECPR General Conference, Wroclaw, September 4-7, 2019. Retrieved from https://ecpr.eu/StandingGroups/StandingGroupHome.aspx?ID=66","Garba, G. (2016). Mass media in Africa's nascent democracy: The West African story. Journal of Emerging Trends in Educational Research and Policy Studies, 7(1), 19-30.","Ibagere, E. (2013). The mass media, Nigerians' political awareness and their capacity to make political choices. European Journal of Arts and Humanities, 1(2), 68-78.","Ijeh, N. P. (2008). The Nigerian mass communication environment and the world wide web: An assessment. In Mojaye, E. M.; Oyero, O. O.; M'Bayo, R. and Sobowale, A. (eds.). Health communication, gender violence and ICTs in Nigeria (pp 311-326). Ibadan: Ebenezer Soola Conference on Communication.","Ijeh, N. P. (2012). Voters' perception of cultural elements in political advertising for the April 2011 general elections in Nigeria. Acta Universitatis Danubius: Communicatio, 6(2), 15-30. https://journals.univ-danubius.ro/index.php/communicatio/article/view/1658","Ijeh, N. P. (2014). Setting social agenda through educational television: Insights from a media effect theory. Research in Education, 20(1), 173-179 https://www.researchgate.net/publication/368810378_Setting_Social_Agenda_for_Education_through_Educational_Television_Insights_from_a_Media_Effect_Theory","Ijeh, N. P. & Onojeghwo, O. M. (2009). Attitude of secondary schol students to educational programmes on radio. International Journal of Communication – An Interdisciplinary Journal Communication Studies, 10, 57-373.","Isma'ila, Y. & Othman, Z. (2015) Challenges of electoral processes in Nigeria's quest for democratic governance in the Fourth Republic. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences. 5(22), 1-10. Retrieved from https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/234674783.pdf","Kadiri, K. K.; Muhammed, Y. A.; Raji A. & Sulaiman A. L. (2015). Constraints and challenges of the media in the development of Nigeria. Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa, 17(1), 44-60.","Ojo, E. & Adebayo, P. F. (2013). Many \"sins\" of the mass media in Nigeria: A critical approach of the mass media in a decade of nascent democracy. Journal of Media and Communication Studies, 5(8), 95-102.","Onojeghwo, O. M. & Ijeh, N. P. (2022). Towards credible elections in Nigeria: Assessing the media roles. Innovations, 71, 587-595. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/367558920_wwwwjournal-innovations","Onojeghwo, O. M.; Ijeh, N. P. & Oji, M. (2023). Public perceptions of media role in electoral reforms in Nigeria. International Journal of Social Science and Educational Research Studies, 3(1), 16-24. Retrieved from https://ijssers.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/03-0701-2023.pdf","Osazee-Odia, O. U. & Ijeh, P. (2012). Studying the pluralisation of broadcasting in Nigeria from perspective to practice. Academic Journal International, 8(3), 186-203. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/366165840_Studying_the_Pluralisation_of_Broadcasting_in_Nigeria_From_Perspectives_to_Practice","Oso, L. (2013). Media and democracy in Nigeria: A critic of liberal perspectives. New Media and Mass Communication, 10, 13-22.","Santas, T. & Ogoshi, J. D. (2016). An appraisal of mass media role in consolidating democracy in Nigeria. African Research Review, 10(1 SN40), 73-85.","Wallace, J.; Kundnani, H & Donnelly, E. (2021). The importance of democracy. Retrieved from https://www.chathamhouse.org/2021/04/importance-democracy","Zilla, C. (2022). Defining democratic inclusion from the perspective of democracy and citizenship theory. Democratization, 29(8), 1518-1538. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2022.2090929"]}

Grassroots organizations in urban and rural China offer intriguing perspectives for citizenship studies, this article argues. Paradoxically perhaps, China is one of the few places where the right to self-government is recognized in law, through the medium of these local semi-state committees. China’s response to Covid reaffirmed their importance, revealing how they (variably) organize urban and rural residents. In ordinary times, such committees create a public space theoretically open to all locals where collective norms can be formed and contested, and claims on state resources can be asserted, and are thus a locus for citizenship. Such ‘local citizenship’ has analogues in many societies, but in the Chinese context its strong collective orientation and its physical anchoring where people live means that it can be a space in which people’s needs may be made visible and thus for a politics of citizens, even at a time of increasingly authoritarian government.

Le mouvement d’émancipation des personnes ayant des limitations fonctionnelles s’inscrit dans un long processus historique, marqué par au moins deux révolutions qui leur ont permis d’acquérir progressivement la reconnaissance de leurs droits. Une première révolution, qu’on a appelée désinstitutionalisation, dans le courant des années 1970, concerne la reconnaissance de leurs droits civils. La seconde révolution, à partir des années 1980, a été dominée par la reconnaissance de leurs droits sociaux, économiques et culturels. Enfin, une troisième révolution, en cours, est nécessaire afin que soit reconnus leurs droits politiques et afin qu’elles puissent exercer une citoyenneté active, à part égale et entière. Pour que les personnes accèdent à l’exercice de leurs droits politiques, elles doivent détenir les compétences citoyennes requises, ce qui suppose la disponibilité d’espaces d’engagement civique et de lieux de parole qui leur permettent d’acquérir et d’exercer ces compétences. C’est ce que l’on appelle le processus de socialisation politique. Dans le cadre d’un « Programme international d’éducation à la citoyenneté démocratique, par, pour et avec des personnes ayant des limitations fonctionnelles », un projet de recherche-action est en cours pour mieux comprendre le processus de socialisation politique, l’acquisition et le développement de compétences civiques de personnes engagées au sein des comités des usagers ou d’associations de promotion ou de défense des droits des personnes ayant des limitations fonctionnelles., The emancipation movement for people with disabilities is part of a long historical process, marked by at least two revolutions that have permitted them to progressively acquire recognition of their rights. The first revolution, so-called deinstitutionalisation, in the course of the 1970’s, involves the recognition of their civil rights. The second revolution, starting in the 1980’s, was dominated by the recognition of their social, economic and cultural rights. A third, and ongoing, revolution is necessary so as that their political rights be recognised and also so they may be active citizens, equally and completely. In order for people to exercise their political rights, they must possess the required civic skills, which implies the availability of place for civic involvement that would permit them to acquire and exercise theses skills. This is called the process of political socialisation. As part of an "international and educational program for democratic citizenship, by, for and with people with disabilities", an action research project is underway to better understand the process of political socialisation, the acquisition and development of civic skills for people involved in user committees or associations that promote or advocate for the rights of persons with disabilities.

Democracies are thought to violate treaties less frequently than non-democracies, yet democracies violate bilateral investment treaties (BITs) just as often as non-democracies. Though democratic governments may intend to meet their international obligations, and though democratic institutions provide greater political constraints to encourage compliance, investment agreements may conflict with the goal of maintaining domestic public support. Specifically, we argue that credible elections create strong incentives for governments to side with domestic voters, and to pass legislation that violates investment agreements. The results suggest that the ability of voters to sanction leaders is an important mechanism that incentivizes governments to pass legislation that potentially violates investment treaties through indirect expropriation.

In 2017, the European Medicines Agency staged the first effort at democratic innovation within transnational European Union institutions directly influencing the transnational regulation of medicines. Alongside its public consultation on epilepsy drug Valproate, European Medicines Agency included a public hearing involving representatives of patients and testimony from those directly affected by the medicines. Using this critical case study, the article argues from a deliberative democratic perspective that although the hearing in many ways exhibited the traditional shortcomings of elite-driven deliberation, it also demonstrated unexpected and surprising deliberative qualities. Based on new quantitative analysis of the hearing using the Discourse Quality Index, and qualitative observation of over 4 hours of footage, the article argues European Medicines Agency’s hearing facilitated equitable access and influence of patients and members of the public who had previously been excluded from decision making on drug distribution. These findings provide important new evidence of the deliberative democratic value of public hearings.

Building on recent public administration research on service coproduction and cocreation, this article draws out the democratic potential of new forms of collaborative governance between the democratic state and civil society. Within democratic theory, cocreation has many similarities with the concept of deliberative mini-publics, but it goes beyond a “talk-centric” view to emphasize the active role of civil society in creative problem-solving and public innovation. The article argues that combining insights and perspectives from both democratic theory and governance theory can provide stronger foundations for a participatory democracy that complements rather than replaces representative democracy. The article concludes with an exploration of some of the legitimation challenges that democratic cocreation might face in practice.

The aim of this study was to examine what role citizen dialogs have in the society and its planning of urban development. Also, what relation citizen dialogs have to social sustainability. Furthermore, find out how two municipalities, Boden and Umeå, with different circumstances work with citizen dialogs. This has been done through the studying of documents from the municipalities. The document studies presented several concepts and methods to work with citizen dialogs and stated that they are of importance for the municipalities. One document, “Så star det till!” is a compilation of an extensive work with citizen dialogs in Umeå municipality. Boden municipality presented on their social media several examples of citizen dialogs. That presentation in itself is a way of communicating and in a sense a dialog with the citizens. To find this a few keywords were used when studying the documents. Three semi-structured interviews were performed with people working at the municipalities. The results from the interviews were processed through a coding scheme and finally analyzed with the help of Fungs (2006) Democracy cube. The interviews showed that the municipalities work alike in many ways and highly value citizen dialogs. The municipalities try out different methods of citizen dialogs and perform them in the preliminary stages of the planning processes. They also aim for the comments, wishes, and needs the citizens voices to have an actual impact on the result of the plans they have taken part in, which contributes to social sustainability. The role of citizen dialogs in the planning process are to some extent dictated in a law but not particularly in detail. Some argue that citizen dialogs give the citizen false power (citizens power which is essential in increasing social sustainability), that they in fact do not have a say in the planning processes. In some cases where the dialogs fail, they instead lead to a decrease in trust for the municipalities and their planners. Another argument is that the citizens should trust the representative democracy. The whole study also shows that citizen dialogs are complex and difficult to adapt and to then include everyone since there is a lot of variation in the personalities and circumstances among the citizens. But in conclusion the citizen dialogs have a future where they seem to get a bigger roll with new methods and impact the social sustainability, majority in a sense of giving the citizens more power to influence their home and surroundings.

The relationship between democracy and development is one of the major theoretical arguments put forward for justification of the drive towards the universalization of the neo-liberal ethos under the aegis of globalization. According to the purveyors of neo-liberalism, democracy is not just the only moral and legitimate way by which a society can be ruled, it also provides the needed nexus between governance and development. Thus, democracy not only prescribes how political power should be acquired but also what to do with it or how it should be exercised to ensure the good lives of the citizens. Regardless of the debate over the actual meaning of development, it is generally accepted that the state of infrastructure in any nation is reflective of the state of development of such a nation. In this regard, the return to multiparty democracy in 1999 held a ray of hope for the tackling of the myriad of Nigeria’s developmental challenges, especially the infrastructural decay that characterized the long years of military rule. Sixteen years of democratic governance in Nigeria has left many observers wondering whether democracy is indeed the pathway to development given the appalling state to which infrastructure has degenerated in most Nigerian States. Even though several scholars have examined the relationship between democratic governance and infrastructural development in Nigeria, generally this study focuses specifically on democratic governance and infrastructural development in Enugu State between 1999 and 2019. The study adopted the theory of prebendalism as its theoretical framework of analysis, and also used descriptive research method as means of sourcing information through documentary method. This study argues that the poor infrastructural development in Enugu State is linked to the fact that government functionaries are not inclined to the people’s yearning for democratic dividends. We therefore, found among others that democratic governance has not impacted fully on infrastructural development in Enugu State, and recommends that leaders should pay particular attention to the people’s needs.

This article advances our understanding of the key values for democratic-governance innovation by integrating two important, yet divergent, discourses—the one on democratic innovations, the other on governance innovations—thus capitalizing on their mutually reinforcing potential. The result is an integrative framework of core values, related normative coordinates, and key questions for improving democratic governance. The integrative values framework refines our understanding of the fundamental value diversity surrounding democratic governance innovation, and facilitates, as a sensitizing framework, critical analysis, evaluation, and design thinking. The values framework integrates core values—inclusiveness, efficaciousness, appropriateness, resilience, and counterbalance—which are complementary but not without friction. Mindfulness of the fundamental value diversity is critical for handling democratic governance innovation in a more encompassing value-sensitive way. For realistically applying the values framework, acknowledging the complementarities and tensions between core values, roads ahead are discussed stressing necessarily open and situated conversations.

Resumen El presente artículo indaga sobre los fundamentos y las características del discurso de desarrollo acuñado por el Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo a finales de la década de los sesenta del siglo pasado en América Latina. La perspectiva histórica que abordó, permitió comprender cómo desde la celebración del encuentro de gobernadores en Bogotá en 1969, el Banco adelantó una acción estratégica en la región basada en reformas institucionales y vinculadas con las agendas gubernamentales alineadas con las políticas de seguridad provenientes de Washington durante la guerra fría. Abstract: This article investigates the foundations and features of the development discourse coined by the Inter-American Development Bank at the end of the 1960s in Latin America. The historical perspective that it addressed, allowed to understand how since the celebration of the Governorsı meeting in Bogota in 1969, the Bank advanced a strategic action in the region based on institutional reforms and linked to governmental agendas aligned with the security policies coming from Washington during the Cold War.

The rise of right-wing authoritarian populism (RWAP) challenges modern democratic governance and the legitimacy of a career-service, nonpartisan, merit-based public administration—hallmarks of modern democratic institutions. Using citizen survey data collected for the first 2 years of the Trump presidency, this study finds that some core features of RWAP are negatively related to confidence in public administration. Generally speaking, the populist tendency appears to be a significant source of negative affect toward public administration.

This study seeks to advance our understanding of policy failures as the nexus of politics and bureaucratic failure. In doing so, it presents a typology to illustrate different types of policy failures by the degree of bureaucratic capacities and politics/political incentives involved in a policy problem, and explores two cases of such failures in South Korea. This study claims that policy failures are joint products of political and bureaucratic failures to varying degrees and that the discussion of both sides helps to enhance accountability and avoid political blame games and bureau-bashing. This study reflects on two Korean cases to demonstrate politically-driven and administratively-driven failures in the high- and low-capacity bureaucracy and their consequences. These cases also reveal the dynamic nature of policy failures moving from one category to another during the policy processes. The first case concerns the failure in emergency response of the Korea Coast Guard (KCG) during and after the sinking of the ferry MV Sewol. A low bureaucratic capacity and lack of motivation to fulfill their function may be the direct cause of the failure, which will be the focus of the discussion of bureaucratic failure. Yet, it also reveals aspects of political failures before and after the accident, where politicians have failed to provide a bureaucratic agency with autonomy and stacked the deck against a less salient agency for political or electoral gains. The second case discusses the politics of preliminary feasibility studies (PFS) required for major public projects. This case explores policy failures uniquely manifested in a highly capable bureaucracy, which shows how politics-laden issues plant the seeds of policy failures driven by the prompt implementation of flawed decisions. The discussion section further discusses key arguments and implications drawn from the case studies. The final section offers concluding thoughts and avenues for future research.

The study examines the impact of democratic governance and corruption on electricity power supply in Nigeria. To achieve this goal, an integrated regression analysis such as Dynamic Ordinary Least Squares (DOLS), Fully Modified OLS, Canonical Cointegrating Regression and OLS were utilized to estimate data spanning the period of 1986 – 2020. The result revealed a negative and significant impact of democracy and corruption on electricity power generation in Nigeria. On the other hand, economic growth has shown a positive and important impact on electricity generation, suggesting that higher GDP growth will increase the supply of electricity in Nigeria. The implication of this findings are as follows: (i) one of the dividends of democracy which is providing public good to the citizens have not been achieved, as such, policymakers need to give more attention to the provision electricity supply; (ii) the institutions in charge of fighting corruption such as the Economic and Financial Crime Commissions (EFCC) need to be further strengthened in Nigeria.

Extant research in comparative politics has examined the role of institutional frameworks such as constitutional design, the nature of the electoral systems, parliamentarism and federalism on the quality of governance. Understanding variations on effective democratic governance has assumed a state-centric approach that has largely neglected how strong legislatures can drastically affect political outcomes. This study finds empirical evidence that the strength of national legislatures (in terms of its influence over the executive, institutional autonomy, its specified powers and institutional capacity) is correlated to effective democratic governance as measured by voice and accountability, governmental effectiveness, regulatory quality, control of corruption and rule of law entrenchment based on a cross-national analysis of 150 countries with available data from the period 1996–2016. The results hold even when the sample is restricted to developing countries, where party systems are more likely to be under-institutionalized. A sensitivity analysis also confirms that the relationship between strong legislatures and effective democratic governance is not attenuated or conditioned by its interactive effect with other institutional arrangements. Implications suggest that the substantive strength of national legislatures promotes higher levels of democratic accountability, and that the international community must focus on frameworks that strengthen global legislatures to avert political instability and creeping authoritarianism.

Cooperatives are democratic organizations, governed and controlled by their members, who are actively involved in their policy-making and decision-making process. The aim of this paper is to investigate the correlation between cooperative culture and the way that cooperatives are governed. To this end, a probability sampling method is used in the agricultural cooperatives of the Greek prefecture of Larissa, which is one of the most powerful and dynamic in the agricultural economy. The data collection was carried out to 100 members of agricultural cooperatives through the use of a closed-ended questionnaire. The findings highlighted that agricultural cooperatives are distinguished for their increased level of cooperative culture and commitment, provided that the conditions for the democratic governance of cooperatives are met. The role played by the level of education of the members of the agricultural cooperatives was also important, thus confirming the main purpose of the research, which was none other than to prove this correlation. Finally, this correlation can lead to the improvement of certain elements which contribute to the optimization of agricultural governance.

This article introduces readers to the Lobbying and Democratic Governance in Canada (LDGC) research project. We describe the project’s origins and objectives as well as the types of information within the LDGC dataset, including data gathered from one of the most comprehensive and systematic lobbying registries in the world. We then review the methodological and theoretical contributions of research that have thus far come out of the project. Finally, we consider why the LDGC data will be of interest to international scholars whose research might not normally cover Canada. First, we identify unique aspects of the LDGC data compared to data used by researchers from other countries and explain how the LDGC allows researchers to investigate some, as of yet, unanswered questions about the nature of lobbying and the role it can play in modern governance. Second, we identify similarities between the LDGC and data used in extant research and consider how scholars can use the LDGC to engage in more comparative thinking about differences and similarities in the nature and role of lobbying across political systems.

In spite of a democratic governance model, due to cis-heteronormativity, the rights of incarcerated transgender women in Costa Rica are routinely undermined by pervasive direct, social and structur...

Average citizens face difficulty evaluating competing expert claims in the public sphere, and the complexity of policy issues threatens citizens’ autonomy in democratic governance. This study exami...

In its transition from a security receiver to a security provider, Albania has undertaken important reforms in its security, defence, and foreign policy sectors. The country joined NATO in 2009. It fully aligns with the EU’s common defence and security policy, contributes to international crisis management and peacekeeping missions, and continues to play a constructive and moderating role for stability in the region. Nevertheless, key challenges remain in its domestic vulnerabilities and incapacities. This chapter looks at the Albanian security context, the threats it faces and their complexity, and the major relevant discourses, reforms, and practices. It also discusses the future shifts that will be necessary to prioritise and practice security in Albania.

A current research project held in Universität Osnabrück, Germany, under the supervision of apl. Prof. Dr. phil. Carmen Schmidt. The research gets supports from the Higher Education Commission, Ministry of Education and Culture, Republic of Indonesia, and the Faculty of Administrative Science, Universitas Indonsia (FIA UI), especially advancing the research undertaken by "Policy, Governance, and Administrative Reform (PGAR)" cluster chaired by Prof. Dr. rer. publ. Eko Prasojo. (2018-2019).

Many might argue that the prospects of a progressive politics and democratic governance that the 2011 Egyptian revolution sought to realize have completely vanished. Those revolutionary aspirations...

During the 21st century, socially equitable economic growth and sustainable human development are also goals that most countries over the world are pursuing, which emphasized the notion of “good go...

Despite its importance for the sustainability of democratic governance, policy complexity is still an understudied phenomenon. What makes policies complex? Why are some policies more complex than o...

The current debate on the vitality of affluent democracies often cites the changing patterns of citizens’ political participation as signs of this malaise. Fewer citizens are voting, and more are turning toward contentious and more direct forms of participation. What are the consequences? I describe the participation patterns in affluent democracies and then consider whether these changes in citizen participation are linked to the quality of democratic performance. Some scholars see a more assertive public as overloading the political system or destroying collective views of politics. Others see contentious politics as giving citizens an additional and more effective method of influencing policymakers. The evidence on citizen participation comes from two waves of the International Social Survey Program. Measures of the functioning of government come from the Economist Intelligence Unit and the World Bank. The analyses show that a more active public is correlated with a better functioning government. Moreover, these relationships are stronger for protest and other forms of direct action than for voting in national elections. The results suggest that an assertive and elite-challenging public is more of a boon than a curse for democratic politics.

Students of comparative constitutional design grapple with myriad complex normative and empirical issues. Prominent among them is the relative effectiveness of different governance regimes. Concerns stemming from the perceived malfunctioning of modern democracies have intensified efforts to diagnose and rectify the supposedly proliferating ills. The seemingly solid post-1978 Chinese record of steadily managing intricate societal challenges has highlighted the possible advantages of the country’s tightly controlled top-down institutional apparatus and its potential value as a model worth broadly exploring and even embracing on a meaningful scale. This view, authoritatively and vigorously articulated by an influential and prolific political philosopher and his academic associates, has evolved to a point whereby the Chinese constitutional order and contemporary experience are portrayed as being capable of fruitfully supplanting democratic structures or, alternatively, productively revitalising them. Yet, on the whole, this remains a controversial politico-legal proposition, conceptually problematic and lacking sufficient factual support.

The media in Zambia have been in a state of uncertainty since Zambia reinstated democratic governance in the early 1990s. Despite promising initial steps to deregulate the media that started under ...

Civil servants’ trust in citizens is an important but insufficiently addressed issue in public administration. It is the key component of democratic governance and cooperation shaping. This study e...

In this article, we examine the mechanisms through which corporations can achieve ambidexterity based on entrepreneurial ecosystems. The emergence of entrepreneurial ecosystems provides an alternative approach for large corporations to capture and cocreate value across institutional boundaries. This article explores this perspective by connecting the interorganizational ambidexterity literature with the emerging concept of entrepreneurial ecosystems through a case study. Specifically, we examine a space dedicated to collaboration with external actors initiated by a large industrial corporation in collaboration with 22 other selected organizations and start-ups stemming from the Parisian entrepreneurial ecosystem. Our results reveal the necessary configuration ( spatio-material and sociocultural attributes) for supporting explorative activities and the balanced management (democratic governance combined with leadership) of a nested entrepreneurial ecosystem for ensuring ambidexterity in large corporations. Our findings shed new light on the ambidexterity and entrepreneurial ecosystem research streams and provide guidance for managers and future research.

The judgment in Houngue Eric Noudehouenou v. Republic of Benin adds to the growing body of human rights jurisprudence on national electoral processes in Africa’s international courts. The decision demonstrates the growing importance of Africa’s regional and sub-regional courts as an alternative venue for opposition politicians, activists, and citizens to mobilize and challenge election processes and constitutional amendment processes where the playing field in their state is uneven. In turn, it reinforces the pivotal role of the regional and sub-regional courts in consolidating democratic governance in Africa, and reveals the limits of assessing the performance of Africa’s international courts solely on conventional measures of effectiveness and compliance.

Este estudo demonstra que há uma conexão profunda entre o regime jurídico das cooperativas, que se baseia num conjunto de princípios e valores definidos pela Aliança Cooperativa Internacional e que integram o conceito de identidade cooperativa, e a igualdade de género. A governação democrática, que carateriza as cooperativas, impõe um regime de representação equilibrada entre mulheres e homens nos órgãos de administração e de fiscalização das cooperativas. No entanto, os dados fornecidos pelo Portal de Credenciação da CASES evidenciam uma representação desequilibrada. Impõe-se a adoção pelas cooperativas, por via estatutária ou regulamentar, de medidas positivas, tais como as quotas de género, que assegurem uma representação equilibrada entre homens e mulheres nos órgãos das cooperativas. Recibido: 28 diciembre 2018Aceptado: 15 febrero 2019

Segregation across social groups is an enduring feature of nearly all human societies and is associated with numerous social maladies. In many countries, reports of growing geographic political polarization raise concerns about the stability of democratic governance. Here, using advances in spatial data computation, we measure individual partisan segregation by calculating the local residential segregation of every registered voter in the United States, creating a spatially weighted measure for more than 180 million individuals. With these data, we present evidence of extensive partisan segregation in the country. A large proportion of voters live with virtually no exposure to voters from the other party in their residential environment. Such high levels of partisan isolation can be found across a range of places and densities and are distinct from racial and ethnic segregation. Moreover, Democrats and Republicans living in the same city, or even the same neighbourhood, are segregated by party. Enos and Brown find that voters in US are highly spatially segregated by party. Republicans and Democrats tend to segregate even when living in the same neighbourhoods, and this segregation persists in both urban and rural areas.

This paper analyzes how development cooperation can actively support democratic governance through cooperation in the water sector. To answer this question, we develop an analytical approach based on democratization research and on water governance research. We tested the approach in three donor-supported water projects in Morocco and carried out over seventy interviews with key stakeholders. Our findings show (a) key factors influencing the scope for external support for democratic governance in the water sector, (b) potential negative effects of the support when local elites grasp new resources, and (c) unintended positive spill-over effects of water projects on democratic governance within and beyond the sector (for instance, strengthening formerly marginalized groups). As these empirical findings suggest, there is a potentially large scope of action for supporting democratic governance through water sector cooperation. We therefore highlight the need for more analytical and empirical research on causal interlinkages between these two fields of intervention.

This paper highlights deficiencies in Uganda’s national security civilian intelligence services’ oversight systems and their implications for the democratic governance of the security sector. It ar...

This study investigated the causes and effects of 2002 electoral violence in the Wannune Area of Benue State in Central Nigeria. For the proper investigation of this violent conflict, the researchers carefully analyzed primary (oral sources) and secondary sources (extant literature) to achieve objectivity, while the approach was historical, qualitative, descriptive, and analytic. The research unveils that this electoral violence was caused by the imposition of an unpopular candidate on the electorates. In the final analysis, the paper recommends the Tiv intelligentsia to discourage politics of godfatherism and advocates proper institutionalization of democracy in Tivland, Benue State, and Nigeria on a broader perspective. The work also encourages the youths, civil society groups, stakeholders, and traditional leaders to uplift Nigeria‘s fragile democracy by fighting corruption that has contributed immensely to the failure of the present democratic governance.

This article reviews the elements of continuity in the approach to public service reform in Ireland and of change in expectations of public service performance in Ireland over recent decades. It concludes that supporting democratic governance is the primary goal of public service and that trust in its capacity to meet society’s needs is the most appropriate criterion to assess reform programmes. It also suggests some priorities for future reform effort.

State, democracy and good governance are mutually related to each other, and as India is a democratic welfare state, it is the central concern of the government to provide inclusive governance through inclusive policies to its citizen in general, and the disadvantaged people like scheduled tribes/scheduled castes (ST/SCs) in particular. Democracy and inclusive governance are conceptually linked to each other. Democracy and democratic values and practices curb the undemocratic rule, exclusion and discrimination in the society. The study argues that in spite of many legal provisions and pro-state action, the condition of STs/SCs are very vulnerable. They are lag behind in all parameters of human development to other people. Their representation in the public institution is not adequate and fair enough except in legislature. Democratic text of inclusive society could not be made possible and is far from realisation contextually. In this article, attempt has been made to evaluate and examine the democratic ethos of inclusiveness, constitutional provisions for inclusive policies and its achievement to know the status of inclusion of the excluded groups till date in the case of SC/STs in Odisha.

A partir d’une observation participante de quatre années au sein de la coopérative Limagrain, cet article met en évidence les pratiques de gouvernance mises en oeuvre par les administrateurs pour relever les trois difficultés principales auxquelles les coopératives agricoles sont généralement confrontées : le maintien de l’implication des adhérents, la formulation d’un projet stratégique et le contrôle de l’action des dirigeants. Nos résultats détaillent l’action des administrateurs à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur des organes de gouvernance. Nous apportons également des éclairages théoriques originaux au sein du courant governance as practice dans un contexte de gouvernance démocratique., Based on a research of four years inside the agricultural cooperative Limagrain, this article shows how directors tackle major governance issues that these economic structures usually face: involvement of cooperators, formulation of a sustainable strategy and control of executives. Our results document what directors do inside but also outside governance structures to solve governance issues. Doing so we propose new theoretical insights regarding the governance as practice research stream in organizational contexts characterized by economic democracy., Basado en una observación de cuatro años en la cooperativa Limagrain, este artículo destaca las prácticas de gobernanza implementadas por los administradores para abordar las tres principales dificultades que enfrentan las cooperativas agrícolas, en general: participación de los miembros, la formulación de un proyecto estratégico y el control de la acción de los líderes. Nuestros resultados detallan la acción de los administradores dentro y fuera de los órganos de gobierno. También aportamos ideas teóricas originales sobre la gobernanza actual como práctica en un contexto de gobernabilidad democrática.

It is usually recognized that satisfaction with democracy is enhanced by clean governments and fair democratic procedures. However, under certain circumstances, some citizens might appreciate the quality of democratic governance more than others. Building on research that underlines the accuracy and norm-inducing functions of education, we argue that the quality of democratic governance conditions the relationship between education and satisfaction with democracy. Analyzing data from 18 Latin American countries, we find that higher-educated citizens are less satisfied with the regime than the less-educated. Among the highly educated, nonetheless, the least satisfied are those who were asked by public officials to pay bribes. Highly educated individuals are more satisfied with the regime if their country’s quality of democracy is robust rather than weak. At the lowest level of education, the conditional influence of being asked for a bribe or the quality of democracy is absent.

This introduction argues that understanding the co-construction of race, language, and nation is essential to understanding liberal democratic governance in today's world. Using the theories and methods of raciolinguistics, we argue that voicing and resemiotization are important discursive processes that people use to reconstitute selves and Others in relation to liberal democratic ideas about national belonging. Specifically, we examine how racialized redefinitions of “the body” are central to how right and left-leaning groups alike (re)define nationhood, albeit for different ends. We foreground an intersectional, international approach to understanding the role of language in constructing race and vice versa as well as the role of social media in how differently positioned groups seek empowerment.

This paper aims to add to the recent scholarly search for African leadership philosophy to improve leadership effectiveness in Africa. It examines the Oromo Gada system’s democratic governance and leadership principles and argues its relevance to the current and future leadership effectiveness in Oromia, Ethiopia, and Africa. It analyses the literature on the history, culture, and current practices of the Gada system to identify its leadership philosophies. It discusses these principles by comparing with Ubuntu and other indigenous African leadership philosophies on the one hand with UN principles of good governance on the other. Evidences show that in spite of the expansion of modern education and leadership training; there are little or no evidence of leadership effectiveness in Africa. Corruption, poverty, injustice, and lack of legitimacy and accountability have continued to be the images of Africa and its leadership. These leadership failures are attributed to lack of leadership that connects with the societal values and cultures. The adoption of Gada leadership principles of liberty, equality, morality, rule of law, participation and engagement of citizens, decision making by consensus, separation of power and check and balance, decentralized governance, fixed terms office and peaceful transfer of power, accountability, transparency and impeachment of elected leaders, honesty, team leadership and conflict transformation in political, public and private sector organization leadership are discussed. The development and adoption of Gada, Ubuntu, and other indigenous leadership philosophies is recommended as a remedy to Africa’s leadership problems.

The present research debates the role of the State in the face of the pandemic derived from the Covid-19, focusing on the case of Mexico and its consequences for democratic governance. In this sense, and previously presenting a historical context about the incremental role of the State in the last centuries, it is analyzed how the expected role of State protagonist due to the multidimensional crisis of the Covid-19 is not being produced in the North American country. On the contrary, the lack of solid and decisive action on the part of the federal executive seems to be leading to a notable increase in poverty and in the number of those who have died from the virus, which could even condition the democratic quality of the country.