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The article examines a theory on hyper-real religion as a product of hyper-real anthropology. Topics discussed include a definition of hyper-reality, the difference between the hyper-real religion Voodoo and the Haitian religion Vodou, the definition of hyper-real anthropology, the political power of religion, and the use of Voodoo as an aesthetic in consumer culture.

Mathematics plays a fundamental role in ecological research, yet its uses remain strikingly separate from advances in the environmental social sciences and humanities. In this paper, I work to address this impasse and outline the motivation and scope for an 'ecological mathematics', an approach to doing mathematics in environmental research which foregrounds relationship, embodiment and human difference. I begin by tracing the historical emergence of mathematics in ecology, noting how life processes have been conceptualised in a way which forces them to fit the ideals of mathematical models transplanted from the physical sciences. I then investigate the cultural factors shaping the evolution of mathematical thought, eliciting a malleability in how mathematical knowledge relates to the more-than-human world. This provides a place from which to rethink the role of abstraction in ecological thought, and develop mathematical methods grounded in ecological concepts. Drawing on ethnographic and perceptual accounts of space and time, I work with topological concepts from both mathematics and the social sciences to suggest a new correspondence between these subjects, elaborating a way of employing mathematical techniques which enliven, rather than deaden, the ecologies under study. The paper concludes with important philosophical clarifications to the approach of an ecological mathematics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(Auto)biographies are not accidental products; instead, they are shaped by the social world which gives birth to them. Societies inherently impact an individual's life by means of their very social structures, which are themselves created through the interaction of social actors within and across a society's history. In other words, the constant symbiotic interaction between social structures and social actors is an ongoing dynamic that can be observed and explained within historical and contemporary events. Consequently, the different social worlds in which an individual grows up and lives impact that individual's life course. This conceptual paper draws on my experiences of teaching and researching in different societies. It examines an example of autobiography becoming intertwined with social structure in a way that shapes one's academic life and discipline through socially constructed networks. It argues that social worlds shape the social actor regardless of society, lending credence to the necessity for biographical and oral history, or "narrative" approaches to sociological discourse across societies. In this paper I rely on different facets of my life to reflect on many years of engagement in teaching and researching sociological material and of the inner longing to unravel the eternal interconnectedness between the personal and the social. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology is the property of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Archivio di Etnografia is the property of Pagina Societa Cooperativa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The concept of human health has evolved beyond the confines of healthcare systems since the 20th century, spawning various definitions from diverse disciplines. While conventional views often solely on the absence of disease, they have faced criticism for their narrow perspective. Medical anthropologists, recognizing the complexity of health, assert that human health encompasses not only physical well-being but also mental and social dimensions. Medical anthropology, a subfield of anthropology, delves into the cultural dimensions of health and illness. It examines how different cultures define health and illness, and how cultural beliefs and practices influence health behaviors. Pivoting on the anthropo-ontogenetic approach to health, this article highlights the pivotal role of human development in shaping health. Health, it argues, is not a static entity but rather an evolving process that unfolds across the lifespan. To illustrate this dynamic nature, the article introduces the spatial-temporal continuum (STC) of health, a model that maps the trajectory of health development throughout life. The STC framework incorporates ontogenetic stages, the distinct periods of human development, and their associated health determinants. This anthropo-ontogenetic perspective carries significant implications for medical practice. It advocates for preventive medicine to focus on early developmental stages, where interventions can yield the most profound impact. Rehabilitation, it suggests, should prioritize restoring functional capacity, rather than solely treating disease. Moreover, health education should be tailored to diverse age groups and developmental phases. This paper provides a comprehensive overview of the contributions of medical anthropology to our understanding of human health. It commences by exploring the diverse definitions of health proposed by medical anthropologists, followed by an in-depth analysis of their insights into the cultural dimensions of health and illness. In conclusion, the anthropo-ontogenetic approach to health offers a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding than traditional medical models. It emphasizes the dynamic and holistic nature of health, recognizing its intricate interplay with human development. This perspective has profound implications for medical practice, guiding preventive strategies, rehabilitation approaches, and health education initiatives. By embracing this holistic view, we can foster a more holistic and effective approach to promoting human health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Collegium Antropologicum is the property of Croatian Anthropological Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Witnessing the speed of growth and reach in demand for service design (SD) confronts us to ask what neoliberal forces are behind this acceleration? Can services, systems and structures really improve at this velocity; what are we eroding and ignoring in turn? Pausing to ask about the direction and effect of change is critical to recognising SD’s implication in the status quo. This paper calls for a reflexive methodology of noticing precedents that are quotidian and dystopian to show how dominant logics of SD commodify social practices of relating and organizing. By slowing down to attend, listen and reflect, our approaches reveal existing rituals, values, nuances and commitments that teach us what an apolitical SD fails to see. Rather than adding aspirational methods, this paper calls for greater attention to the political in SD practice, sharing paths of resistance and reorientation toward ethical, transformative, self-determined service design work and learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Archeological and literary sources attest that the "Jataka Stories" were subject to temple paintings from the second century onwards. The Vessanthara Jataka has featured prominently among temple painting in several eras of Sri Lankan history. Vessanthara jataka is a famous jataka story which is highlighted among other jataka stories in Buddhist shrines. The specialty given to the Vessanthara jataka in the paintings of Kandy era is particularly noticeable. This feature can be clearly observed in the temples which were built between 1750 and 1900. Some of these temples, located in the up country were patronized by royals like King Kirthi Sri Raja Singha. Other temples in the low country were built with the patronage of the rising middle class. Even with many fluctuating political and social issues, it seems the prominence given to the depiction of the Vessantara jataka was stable and unshakable. Giving priority to the Vessanthara jataka seems to have been a process carried out by a group of patrons, monks, artists and general public patrons who may have expected to achieve their political and social targets through the depiction of the vessanthara jatakaya. Buddhist monks have also attempted to convey the message of Buddhism through the depiction of Vessanthara jatakaya. Artists may have been interested in depiction of the "Vessanthara jataka" story because it was an opportunity to display their talent and attract others. It seems that the general public was also attracted to the Vessanthara jatakaya because of the characters of that jataka story and its sensitive and emotional scenes. The paper will examine the allocation of space to the Vessanthara jataka and its tactful visual techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the web site of the American Museum of Natural History which features collections of anthropological studies.

Copyright of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology is the property of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annals for Istrian & Mediterranean Studies / Annales: Series Historia et Sociologia is the property of Historical Society of Southern Primorska of Koper and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Eric Gans's conception of the origin of metaphysics leads him to conclusions about metaphysics similar to those held by Lev Shestov, an early twentieth-century philosopher who exerted a great influence on the existentialist movement in the early to mid twentieth century. This paper illuminates the similarities between these conclusions in order to demonstrate how an individual's involvement in polarization, as formulated in the terms of Generative Anthropology's (GA) originary scene, may be avoided by taking up Shestov's method of capricious metaphysics, a practice which refuses the adoption of received metaphysical assumptions, or a priori assertions, especially the notion of necessity. Instead, Shestov suggests that individuals look askance at the central ideals of their societies--or, what GA terms "centres of attention"--and strike out on their own intellectual journeys, thereby, leaving their peers on the periphery of the scene in order to discover other, or create new, scenes. Following Gans's contention that declarative sentences evolved from an originary ostensive gesture, this paper further suggests that declarative statements--which compose the rationales for staying on a given scene--are arbitrary and, therefore, may be exchanged for other statements and syllogisms that arise from the individual's creative caprice. In making such statements and inventing such syllogisms, individuals have the potential to be liberated from the polarities, or--put in GA's terms--competing centres of attention that galvanize those affected by cultural ideals, religious rhetoric, and ideological stances into tribes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tourism Studies cannot rely upon studies of tourism alone to cover its range. While the anthropology of tourism had once sustained a revival, disciplinary inertia suggests a renewal is again overdue and anthropology might justify a reconstruction. The possibilities of tourism as 'study' perhaps remain unfulfilled, despite significant antecedents in Malcolm Crick's work, where anthropology exactly glosses as travel plus study. This builds upon the desire to know worlds, to contribute to human togetherness across differences, economic disparity, languages, faiths, and political inclinations. Thus, calling for engagement with the political, postcolonial, and ontological concepts of anthropology, including multi-site 'fieldwork' methodologies, reanimates tourism studies via the critical idealism of study as priority for anthropologists, workers and tourists. Alongside questions of privilege, re-booting tourism studies through anthropology in the service of knowledge posits tourism as much more than study tours, finding out about heritage sites, or guides with stories to tell. Crick's credo of 'going to have a look for yourself' could be a rallying cry for participatory ethnography in tourism. In a more vulnerable world, anticipating future ethnographic work in Vietnam, the paper seeks insights and opportunities for a new engagement in the study of anthropology as tourism studies and tourism more widely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The West Bank (occupied Palestinian Territories) is a fragmented network of urban clusters while the rural area is slowly chipped away by Israeli settlers and military apparatus. Palestinians’ bodies are squeezed between checkpoints, razor wire, apartheid walls, military watchtowers, barracks but also between state bureaucracy, incorporation of labourers and cultural dispossession. The occupation through multiple devices produces dispossession and the national struggle explodes with violent and unforeseen forms against Israeli settlers and soldiers. The present paper is a reflection based on one year of fieldwork in Yatta’s urban cluster and its rural area in the southern West Bank. By analysing Israeli’s occupation law, the present work aims at explaining how the Palestinian urbanization process is forced under colonial rule with interlinked consequences on cultural and material dispossession, and youth liminal identities. Within the frame of this set of socio-spatial fragmented relations, the distrust of political parties is growing, and political forms are re-territorialized in local struggle. The research inquires why radical subjectivity is emerging in the Yatta social-spatial context produced by occupation law. How, despite the devices of Israeli occupation, aiming at drawing docile bodies and geography, the bottom-up political phenomenon emerging from Yatta’s urban context explodes in sudden violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I reflect on various ethical, practical and methodological challenges encountered in the field during my anthropological inquiry into the legacies of the Bosnian genocide at home and abroad. I focus on the importance of the researcher's honesty and self-reflexive engagement with the subject(s), particularly in sensitive contexts such as genocide. I discuss my experience of negotiating various social roles ascribed to me in the field, and how they shaped my research process. I also consider the methodological challenges of working with difficult stories of surviving the genocide and the absences of family members who perished in it. Drawing upon a mixed ethnography approach in combination with narrative inquiry and elements of participatory action research (PAR), I demonstrate complexities inherent in long-term ethnographic engagement with the community life that almost vanished. I reflexively engage with the question of how we maintain intellectual, emotional and ethical engagement with the subject of research without sacrificing our academic integrity or human connection embedded within these interactions? Subsequently, I argue for a supportive scholarly space that welcomes discussion about vulnerabilities, ambiguities and fears encountered in the ethnographic field and emerging subjectivities which further shape the final interpretation of cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology is the property of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology is the property of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Agora (0211-6642) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Geophysical investigation of a former convent graveyard for conversion to a community centre identified an unrecorded, unmarked burial below a later burial. Archaeological excavation confirmed the presence of skeletonized human remains, considered by police as a possible clandestine burial. Mortuary examination indicated the remains belonged to a mature adult female. To determine whether the deceased could be a recorded missing person, radiocarbon dating was undertaken on a femur and a rib bone. This is not always straightforward, and results showed two possible ages due to intercepts on either side of the nuclear weapons testing spike in atmospheric 14C; however, the later dated burial allowed us to constrain the date of a rib to CE 1959. This study demonstrates that dating a second tissue with a longer turnaround time, such as a femur, can help to constrain which side of the bomb spike is most probable. This paper documents in one work the search, scene and sample and then advances this to resolution by anthropological analysis and radiocarbon dating of human remains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the wake of the US-led and Pakistan-allied "war on terror", residents in Northwest Pakistan have faced inconceivable structural and physical violence, in ways that pose ethical challenges in ethnographic writing and research. Over the last few decades, militancy, banditry and overall insecurity have hampered relief efforts in the area and significantly weakened basic infrastructure. In this article, the author illustrates how an initial security plan to undertake fieldwork research in this "volatile" region proved somewhat irrelevant because of her positionality, gender and race/ethnicity. The author explores the implications of these dynamics in contexts characterized by unequal gender relations and strict gender segregation. In addition, undertaking empirical work in the context of epistemological frameworks in a region that has been subjected to active conflict, militarised operations and a singular representation in the global and local media, poses other ethical challenges for anthropologists searching for new areas of study and decolonised models of representation. This paper reiterates the importance of a reflexive approach of ethics that acknowledges the interpenetration of race, gender and the thick web of relationships in the production of knowledge and is, at the same time, respectful of cultural specificity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper chronicles my fieldwork among Muslim queer people in Indonesia. The ethical thrust of "following the heart" lies in the continuous reinvention of research devices in order to keep up with what we feel during, before and after fieldwork, how we are affected by encounters with others, and how others are affected by us. This idea of "following what the heart tells one to do" can be traced back to the old opposition between body and mind, where the head is thought to be rational and cold, and the heart is considered to be emotional and warm. Here, I truncate the metaphor's dichotomous meaning and discuss the potential values of applying it as an ethics of doing affective ethnography in vulnerable settings. Anthropological knowledge production in vulnerable contexts is not only about providing careful interpretation and representation of the affective experiences of our research participants, but also about making ourselves affectively vulnerable as researchers. This ethics is both a method and a source, remaining existentially inscribed into the researchers' embodied realities and continuing to shape our academic practices and everyday livings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Anthropology Magazine is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Die Herstellung von Evidenz im Futur II. Klimafolgenforschung provinzialisieren auf der Suche nach mehr-als-menschlicher Lebensfähigkeit.« At stake in the Anthropocene is more-than-human liveability. What does this mean for anthropology? This contribution develops one possible answer for the context of climate impact and global environmental change research. It argues for situated modelling as a co-laborative practice between anthropology and the natural sciences. In a first section, the paper sets out from an analysis of recent shifts in the field of climate impact research that has culminated in demands for evidence-based democratic deliberation. The analysis demonstrates how this understanding of evidence introduces a new temporality to the debate (future perfect) and how it risks narrowing the notion of evidence. In its main section, the paper outlines situated modelling as a generatively critical way of engaging climate impact science. Situated modelling is committed to opening up scientific method to participation from diverse publics. It rests on ontological anarchy, partial withness and assembled reflexivity. The paper concludes that situated modelling is one way of addressing the infrastructures of global climate impact science co-laboratively in order to widen what is recognized as legitimate forms of expertise and evidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper presents a synchronic analysis of the diseases during the emergence of COVID-19, the management and impact of the lockdown, and how the media narrated these events in working-class neighborhoods of the metropolitan areas of Buenos Aires and Gran Resistencia from March to November 2020. We resorted to quantitative methods on secondary sources to describe poverty and syndemics and conducted week-by-week ethnographic and media research on 38 neighborhoods with water shortages and critical overcrowding. As a result, COVID-19 syndemically emerged with dengue, measles, and tuberculosis, and the preventive measures exacerbated institutional and gender violence, the Werther effect, and the neglect of other illnesses. Ethnography revealed syndemics with noncommunicable diseases and the influence of structural violence on health. The media analysis shows interest in the districts associated with the fear of contagion, but they disappear from the media agenda once dispelled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tooth identification is important not only for anatomists and anthropologists but also for dental practitioners and dental students studying dental anatomy courses. This review paper provides an overview of the significance of tooth identification focusing on the morphological and developmental background. The process of tooth identification comprises five steps of distinction: (1) between deciduous and permanent teeth; (2) between tooth classes; (3) between maxillary and mandibular teeth; (4) within the same tooth class; and (5) between the left and right sides of a tooth. According to Mühlreiter's features, the mesial half is more developed than the distal half, and the curvature feature is associated with the configuration of the dental arch. Each step of tooth identification refers to effective traits and characteristics. The possibility that systemic conditions affect dental morphology should be considered. Tooth identification is occasionally difficult owing to individual variations (size and shape, supernumerary tubercles, root fusion) and sex-based differences. A tooth type error within the same class is the most frequent error in tooth identification, followed by a left or right side error. To understand tooth identification, it is necessary to have comprehensive knowledge of dental morphology. A broad education with regard to tooth evolution and comparative odontology, as well as a thorough understanding of the morphology and function of teeth, which play a crucial role in sustaining life as organs of mastication, is essential. [Display omitted] • Tooth identification is a necessary skill in anatomy and many other fields. • The process of tooth identification follows five steps of distinction. • According to Mühlreiter, the mesial half is more developed than the distal half. • The curvature feature is associated with the configuration of the dental arch. • Broad education as to tooth evolution and comparative odontology is essential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gendered divisions of labor are a feature of every known contemporary hunter-gatherer (forager) society. While gender roles are certainly flexible, and prominent and well-studied cases of female hunting do exist, it is more often men who hunt. A new study (Anderson et al., 2023) surveyed ethnographically known foragers and found that women hunt in 79% of foraging societies, with big-game hunting occurring in 33%. Based on this single type of labor, which is one among dozens performed in foraging societies, the authors question the existence of gendered division of labor altogether. As a diverse group of hunter-gatherer experts, we find that claims that foraging societies lack or have weak gendered divisions of labor are contradicted by empirical evidence. We conducted an in-depth examination of the data and methods of Anderson et al. (2023) , finding evidence of sample selection bias and numerous coding errors undermining the paper's conclusions. Anderson et al. (2023) have started a useful dialogue to ameliorate the potential misconception that women never hunt. However, their analysis does not contradict the wide body of empirical evidence for gendered divisions of labor in foraging societies. Furthermore, a myopic focus on hunting diminishes the value of contributions that take different forms and downplays the trade-offs foragers of both sexes routinely face. We caution against ethnographic revisionism that projects Westernized conceptions of labor and its value onto foraging societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology is the property of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology is the property of Issues in Ethnology Anthropology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper compares rhetorical narratology to Generative Anthropology in order to point out important similarities between their underlying assumptions. It also shows how they can contribute to each other and together advance our understanding of narrative as a complex and heterogeneous genre of literature. The argument starts with situating the rhetorical approach to narrative theory in relation to other branches of narratology for the purpose of demonstrating its emphasis on the communicative character of narrative over its "content." The communicative model of rhetorical narratology is similar in its underlying assumptions to the scene of representation in Generative Anthropology insofar as it presupposes a common cognitive environment or a shared ethical space. The paper further claims that although in practical terms, the method of reading employed by rhetorical narratologists does not need a minimal anthropological hypothesis to sharpen its interpretative focus, it would benefit from the intuitions of Generative Anthropology as an explanatory scaffolding to justify its praxis and theoretical observations. Thus Generative Anthropology's originary hypothesis about the configuration of the scene can support two innovations by rhetorical theory: firstly, multiperspectivism engendered by narrative thinking, and, secondly, framing a rhetorical reading in terms of an oscillation between response and evaluation. In its turn, the rhetorical approach, which gives a great deal of attention to the dynamics of reader response, can prompt Generative Anthropology to contemplate whether or how individual paths to narrative closure affect meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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