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A drinking game (DG) is a high-risk drinking activity because it consists of rules that facilitate heavy drinking. The opportunity to select another player to drink is a feature of certain games, which makes DGs unique among other high-risk drinking activities. Thus, the present study’s aims were to examine the primary reasons why DG participants select another player to drink and why someone believes she or he was selected. We collected qualitative, online responses to open-ended questions about the personal qualities that increase players’ chances of being selected to drink while playing a DG (N= 409; emerging adults ages 18–25 years; 54.3% women; 41.6% noncurrent college students). Overall, most participants reported perceived personality qualities, followed by a desire for interaction or alcohol consumption, as the primary reason that players are selected, why they are selected, and why they select other players to drink. Implications for practice and future research directions are briefly discussed.

This paper is a theoretical contribution that bridges literature and theory in psychology, anthropology, and environmental education to address persistent concerns over how to create desired cultural change for more responsible environmental citizens. Cultural and personal narratives shape how we view ourselves, including our relationship to the environment. The frontier narratives that moved Americans westward, for example, have fed into Americans’ drive towards excessive consumption and resulted in soil depletion among other challenges. Thus, it is important to consider how we form personal narratives and how personal narratives can shape our larger cultural narratives about our relationships with the environment. In this paper, we argue that childhood narratives are influenced by children’s autobiographical memories (Fivush, Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 37:59–82, 2007). Children’s autobiographical memories become narratives when they are retold with others and given cultural meaning (e.g., Nelson and Fivush, Psychological Review 111(2):486–511, 2004). Psychological literature suggests that individual narratives not only shape the development of identity (Bluck and Alea, Critical Advances in Reminiscence Workpp. 61–75, 2002) but also reshape and inform larger cultural narratives (e.g., Fivush, Annual Review of Psychology 62:559–582, 2011). Applied to environmental education and activism, we suggest a new framework where simply by providing a space for and encouraging children to talk about ecological experiences, such as tending a garden or taking a walk, these experiences may shape a child’s personal narrative (Fivush, Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 37:59–82, 2007), creating a positive environmental identity (Clayton and Opotow 2003) and promoting a larger cultural narrative of environmental resiliency. If we change our children’s stories then, we change ourselves.

The aim of this study is to examine prosocial and respect value tensions among three school stakeholders (the school mission, teachers, and students) to understand how values are created, maintained, and shared within the larger school socialization process. Utilizing dynamic narrating across three data sources, the school mission statement, teacher interviews, and children's written narratives, we focus on (1) what respect and disrespect values did each group of stakeholders (i.e., the school mission, the teachers, and the students) endorse and (2) what respect value congruencies, incongruences, and tensions exist across and within stakeholders? The findings of this study substantiate that within an elementary school within the United States value socialization among teacher and student stakeholders is not solely hierarchical, but reciprocal. The present study found that although the school, teachers, and students, held some congruent values about social interactions including respect, tensions exist in how respect should be enacted. These tensions may reflect developmental differences in social, cognitive, and metacognitive awareness in students across a wide variety of developmental ages within a given school. Overall, the findings shed light on the congruencies and tensions of prosocial value socialization in an elementary school.