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In the aftermath of 11 September 2001, scholars and commentators concerned about civil liberties looked back to the 1970s with an air of nostalgia. Back then, they argued, Congress exposed and constrained executive abuses of civil liberties, most notably through the Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (the 'Church Committee') and the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA); whereas, since 9/11, Congress has largely accepted a variety of constitutionally dubious activities as part of the 'War on Terror.' This article argues that these accounts get the history wrong. Drawing on the Church Committee's hearings and reports, internal executive branch communications, and the legislative history of FISA, it makes three core claims. First, the Church Committee was more valuable as a source of historical documentation rather than real-time exposure. Second, executive officials took crucial steps towards intelligence reform before the Church Committee was established. Third, the two legislative fruits of the Church Committee – FISA and the creation of permanent intelligence committees in Congress – were forged in a cooperative, rather than adversarial interbranch environment. Thus, the post-Vietnam Congress is best described as a partner, rather than a combatant, in the process of intelligence reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada and the US maintain one of the closest international partnerships in the world, but there are concerns about its future. Donald Trump's election generated anxieties about the rise of autarkic or authoritarian politics in the region. These worries persist as it remains to be seen whether the Trump administration was a temporary interruption to liberal governance or a signifier of more profound change. Canadian security scholars have contemplated whether an illiberal shift may disrupt the US-Canada security community. This article intervenes in these discussions by emphasizing the extent to which prejudices and political policing have fostered the community's emergence and operation. Archival investigation reveals that illiberal practices have proven reconcilable with a liberal identity throughout the community's development. Therefore, without dismissing existing concerns, we should be vigilant of the possibility that the security community may be internalized within democratic retrenchment, rather than corroded by it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis is the property of Amsterdam University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The use of force by public and private security forces is currently an issue of great relevance because of the potential injuries caused by any excessive use of force by either active or passive subjects or a deficit in the real mastery of appropriate physical intervention techniques (PITs). For this reason, certain traditionally used physical intervention techniques have been questioned by scientific research studies and punished by justice. On the other hand, certain media have dealt with this matter in a biased and unfair manner by broadcasting videos where the use of force by police officer is displayed out of context. As a consequence, this problem has been brought under the spotlight, causing general uneasiness of the communities and rapidly spreading over social networks while favoring all sorts of parallel judgments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Innovations play a crucial role to foster the economic growth and sustainable development by addressing urgent economic and social needs, and by enhancing productivity and competitiveness. Due to its significance, this study examines the impact of civil liberties and creative class on innovation output in case of Pakistan. Innovation output is proxied by patent and trademark applications of residents of Pakistan. The study employs a time series data over the period of 1982-2014 and negative binomial method to test the hypotheses empirically. The results implicitly support the hypotheses that lesser civil liberties are negatively related to the innovation output. Whereas, explicitly lesser civil liberties negatively but insignificantly related to the patent applications and are significantly positively related to the trademark applications. Creative class and school enrollment positively significantly related to the innovation output. Other factors such as, political rights and foreign direct investment negatively insignificantly relates to the trademark applications whereas positively significantly relates to patent applications. Expenditures on education as percentage of GDP (Proxy of R&D) negatively and significantly relates to trademark applications but negatively insignificantly to patent applications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Civil liberties and rights such as freedom of expression, press, thought, religion, association, lifestyle, and equality against the law are being subjected to controversies in Western countries. We developed two hypotheses aimed at explaining divergent attitudes toward civil liberties among politically charged online communities on each side of the political spectrum. A study using a cross-sectional sample of social media users (N = 902) suggests that, as expected by our hypotheses, support for civil liberties tend to be higher among online groups of rightists - with economic conservatism being the only direct positive predictor and left-wing authoritarianism being a strong negative predictor. These results are discussed in relation to polarization over civil liberties and perceived power imbalances between online groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years several public events have raised serious questions about the respect shown by the Australian intelligence agencies and their political masters for civil liberties. The controversies have been linked to certain structural changes announced in 2017. This paper puts these changes and the associated controversies in the context of the principles and structures established by Justice Robert Marsden Hope in two royal commissions on the agencies in the 1970s and 1980s. It concludes that another wide-ranging review, comparable to the Hope royal commissions, would be timely and appropriate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that democratic and closed authoritarian regimes are ambiguous in the consistency and effectiveness of their COVID-19 pandemic policy. By contrast, hybrid regimes like Malaysia's associate with better policy outcomes. With this regime type's institutions made up of limited civil liberties and manipulated elections, nascent democratic procedures encourage some policy accountability. At the same time, authoritarian controls create scope for rigorous policy enforcement. But beneath this institutional plane more is at work. Thus, in the case of Malaysia, analysis revisits Harold Crouch's rendition of hybrid politics as "responsive and repressive" systems, bringing into view this regime type's socio-political foundations. Chief among them is the country's divided and ranked society, which is tightly entwined with the country's skewed political institutions. In this context, leadership preferences, societal compliance, enforcement powers, and state capacity have aligned to strengthen Malaysia's pandemic policy. But, in turn, the current government has worked to harden the hybrid regime, seeking to safeguard its ascendancy and pursuit of patronage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - This theory-into-practice article centers on American history through the optics of one religious organization's contestations - the Elim Springs Church of Jesus Christ, or Harshmanites as they are commonly known - with state and society. Secondary students explore the history and myriad responses from citizens and the federal government, which provides insight into what it means to be an American. Design/methodology/approach - Embedded action inquiry (EAI) couples investigation with informed action. This whole-class exploration of 19th and 20th century American history transforms into individual, independent inquiries about related historical and current civil liberty contestations. Students communicate newly generated, fully substantiated understandings first to an academic audience and then to the community. Findings - Teachers direct students' historical reading, thinking and writing toward informed civic participation. Engaging primary and secondary sources spark students' curiosity and scrutiny; writing prompts and scaffolding guide students' text-based articulations. Originality/value - Harshmanite history, initiated by an iconic leader and maintained by the congregation into its 3rd century, illuminates the best and worst aspects of America. Secondary social studies students can examine emergent, local tensions when citizens' religious freedoms confront civic duty and societal responses. Through EAI, a novel adaptation of inquiry, students make meaning out of the local history and contribute to civic dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Restrictions on travel and quarantine on arrival are typical strategies imposed by public health authorities during pandemics. While much research has analyzed the consequences of policies about global public health emergencies including COVID-19, to date there has been little discussion of the social consequences of these policies. We undertook an exploratory study using qualitative research to understand the social impacts experienced by travelers as a result of the restriction policies implemented in China following its implementation of a zero-COVID policy. Using online sources and 40 interviews with quarantine hotel staff, government officials, and arrivees to China, we found that the people with a strong justification for travelling during the pandemic were significantly affected by the restrictions, resulting in them experiencing a wide range of negative social impacts, including on their: psychosocial health and wellbeing; family cohesion; social networks; the experience of unexpected and unpleasant circumstances; and a sense of persecution. These outcomes were partly a consequence of the characteristics of Chinese society and the returnees themselves, and were influenced by the government's COVID management strategies. With medical experts having dominated the battle against the virus, ordinary people's feelings and concerns were ignored. We argue that these also need to be understood and considered in the planning of public health strategies. To improve outcomes in future situations, much can be learned from the field of Social Impact Assessment (SIA), especially in terms of understanding how people are affected, and to achieve acceptance and a social licence for pandemic management strategies, the importance of meaningful community engagement, ongoing monitoring, adaptive management, and an effective grievance redress mechanism. Our paper enriches the understanding of SIA when applied in the policy arena, and it demonstrates the value of a SIA perspective for improving social outcomes in public health emergencies. It also adds to understanding the consequences of pandemics and restriction policies on people. • The concerns of arrivees have been ignored in management of the COVID pandemic. • Restriction policies have significantly affected people other than just travelers. • Although various elites dominate the battle against virus, people's feelings matter. • National policies should consider the unintended consequences of actions. • A Social Impact Assessment perspective helps analyze the social impacts of policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An educational institution's decision to test or not test its students for drug use is controversial and complex. Although negative consequences of substance use disorder are well known, the consumption of prohibited substances continues to increase in young adults. Given the awareness of increasing drug use on college campuses and the potential impact on future health care professionals, issues associated with mandatory drug testing of dental students warrant investigation. The purpose of this Point/Counterpoint article is to present opposing viewpoints on whether mandatory student drug testing (MSDT) should be implemented for dental students. Viewpoint 1 affirms that MSDT is legal, ensures public safety, is recognized as a need in health care education, promotes professional and ethical responsibility, and is cost‐effective. Viewpoint 2 asserts that MSDT has not been proven to be an effective deterrent for student drug use and it poses risks and costs for both institutions and students, ranging from potential violation of students' civil liberties to the consequences of false positive tests. This article's presentation of the recent literature on both sides of this issue provides dental educators with pertinent information for considering implementation of MSDT in their institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, scholars have developed and debated an account of the U.S. Supreme Court's First Amendment freedom of expression agenda that connects the ideological identity of the speaker to the justices' votes. Paralleling this discussion, others have debated whether the Roberts Court has been distinctively "pro-speech" or politically conservative in these decisions. These accounts meet in that they share a concern, explicit or implicit, for the importance of content-valid decision direction indicators. This article develops a provisional alternative to conventional and more recent indicators of ideological decision direction (or case polarity) in modern freedom of expression decisions. This "composite indicator" is constructed as a series of "INUS Conditions," or "an insufficient but non-redundant part of a condition which is itself unnecessary but sufficient for the result," that takes into account the speaker, speech suppressor, and valence of the speech act identified in each free speech decision issued during the 2005-2014 terms of the Roberts Court and 1994-2004 terms of the Rehnquist Court. In other words, membership in the sets of "conservative," "liberal," or "undetermined" categories of Supreme Court decisions follows from the presence of multiple conditions—the type of speaker, speech act, and the partisan identity of the speech suppressor—which can be configured in multiple ways. In assessing the performance of this new concept measurement through a series of fundamental models, I find that conventional indicators may overstate the conservatism of the Court in free expression cases, and that—during the Roberts Court era—the relationship between values and votes becomes more tenuous under the composite indicator. More broadly, it is hoped that this project will encourage continued discussion across the quantitative and qualitative cultures in the course of developing accounts of judicial behavior at the U.S. Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Entrapment allegations have been widespread in post-9/11 US terrorism prosecutions, but existing research focuses almost exclusively on neojihadi and left-wing prosecutions. It is thus unclear whether entrapment is also prevalent in right-wing terrorism cases. This article employs a mixed-method approach to analyze entrapment claims in right-wing terrorism cases. Quantitative analyses of a database of post-9/11 terrorism prosecutions show that right-wing cases have significantly fewer entrapment indicators than neojihadi and left-wing terrorism cases, and are far less likely to have particularly high entrapment scores. Detailed qualitative analyses of five right-wing terrorism investigations reveal that four cases feature potentially strong entrapment claims. However, a comparative analysis finds that these claims are significantly weaker than those in many neojihadi and left-wing cases. We theorize that micro-, meso- and macro-level mechanisms enabled the occasional emergence, but far lower prevalence and strength, of viable entrapment claims in right-wing terrorism investigations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following text is a transcript of an interview between the author and the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation (IRTL) for the United Kingdom, Max Hill, QC, which took place on March 9, 2018 in Garmisch-Partenkirchen, Germany. Topics discussed included the role of the IRTL, prosecution of terrorism in the UK, returning foreign fighters, terrorism prevention and investigation measures (TPIMs), deportation of terrorism suspects, the involvement of children in terrorism, hate-preachers, and the British government's efforts to counter non-violent extremism. The transcript has been edited for brevity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Events worldwide make clear that the threat of terrorism is growing, and would-be terrorists may be developing new strategies and new tools that will enable them to develop massively destructive weapons. Yet, at the same time, new measures are becoming available that could improve chances for early identification of planned terrorist acts. A previous study conducted by the authors of this paper suggested that pre-detection is feasible and in many cases, likely to be effective. These hints led to the present study and a subsequent NATO workshop [3] intended to evaluate and extend a list of possible pre-detection measures and their downside risks. The present paper presents and assesses results of a Real-Time Delphi (RTD) study that was conducted to collect judgments from an expert panel on the potential effectiveness, likelihood of use and other attributes of 19 pre-detection measures derived from the literature and most importantly, their possible societal consequences. The results show that pre-detection is possible especially if some pre-detection measures are applied in parallel. While many attacks can be avoided, it is unlikely that 100% protection will ever be achieved; thus, intelligence gathering remains important and essential and resiliency and preparedness will always be necessary. The study further sheds light on possible collateral damage that could result from the inappropriate application of pre-detection measures, principally compromise or loss of civil rights. Unless we are careful in implementing these and other such measures, we could lose what we are trying to protect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“One country, two systems” is the formula under which Hong Kong reverted to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. Embodied in Hong Kong’s Basic Law, it formally provides for an unchanged system and a high degree of autonomy in most matters other than defence and foreign affairs. Since the Hong Kong people did not expressly consent to the reversion to Chinese sovereignty, “one country, two systems” became de facto a legitimating ideology. However, it is interpreted in very different ways. The Chinese government sees it as a policy designed to integrate Hong Kong into China. For many Hong Kong people, it is a contract guaranteeing a high degree of legislative and executive autonomy, judicial independence and the rule of law, civil liberties, and progress towards a more democratic system. This article explores the tensions arising from these different perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

New South Wales has recently joined several other Australian states in enacting anti-protest laws. Although environmental protests (particularly those against mining) have been the political and economic driving force behind the drafting of the laws in each state, the NSW law explicitly targets this issue. This article explores the political context of the new laws and what the law does. It then critiques the government's claim that the laws concern safety rather than targeting protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The streetlight effect is the tendency for researchers to focus on particular questions, cases and variables for reasons of convenience or data availability rather than broader relevance, policy import, or construct validity. To what extent does the streetlight effect condition the state of knowledge about climate change in Africa? Analysis of Google Scholar search results, both general and within leading climate change-related journals, reveals that two proxies for objective need, population and land mass, are associated with a higher volume of scholarly attention. Countries with greater exposure to the negative effects of climate change and countries with less adaptive capacity do not receive more scholarly attention. Rather, I find evidence that factors like British colonial history, strong civil liberties, and to a lesser extent political stability − factors not directly related to risks from climate change − affect scholarly attention. The streetlight effect is evident in climate change research on Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many writers--most famously F. A. Hayek and Milton Friedman--have posited a relationship between economic freedom and political freedom and/or civil liberties. Despite sustained interest, this relationship has been the subject of little empirical study. I estimate the short-run effect of a measure of economic freedom (using the Economic Freedom of the World index) on measures of civil liberties (using the CIRI Human Rights Dataset). In contrast to most previous studies using Freedom House's Freedom in the World index, I treat civil liberties as distinct from political freedom and consider several fundamental liberties separately. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This study investigates public resistance towards Muslims’ civil liberties, such as the wearing of headscarves, the provision of Islamic education and the building of mosques as well as the official recognition of Islam by creating a Islamic public holiday. Explanations were sought in negative perceptions and attitudes towards Muslims and individual value orientations. The main findings, based on path analysis and Mokken scale analysis of German 2009 survey data, are (1) that people differentiate between what they are asked to support, (2) that support for such restrictions exists among people with a negative as well as among people with a positive attitude towards Muslims, and (3) that individual value orientations have an independent effect on perceptions and attitudes towards Muslims and support for Muslims’ civil liberties. The results of this study contribute to the understanding of the relation between prejudice and tolerance, as well as the current debates about practising Islam in Western societies. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article presents a study on the security-liberty balance, the benefits of government surveillance versus its cost to the citizens' civil liberties. The study tested citizens' attitudes towards internet government surveillance. One group of online users were discovered to be averse to any type of government surveillance, value their privacy, and are internet savvy while the other group of internet users are socially engaged, are casual users, and are reliant on government protection.

An essay is presented on immigration from continental Europe to the U.S. Great Plains following the U.S. Civil War until 1914. The author discusses the immigration patterns of people from east-central and southern Europe. He also examines several factors that he argues facilitated immigration such as literacy through public education and industrial technology. The article explores the growth of urban areas and commercial agriculture in the Great Plains.

Abstract: Familial searching consists of searching for a full profile left at a crime scene in a National DNA Database (NDNAD). In this paper we are interested in the circumstance where no full match is returned, but a partial match is found between a database member''s profile and the crime stain. Because close relatives share more of their DNA than unrelated persons, this partial match may indicate that the crime stain was left by a close relative of the person with whom the partial match was found. This approach has successfully solved important crimes in the UK and the USA. In a previous paper, a model, which takes into account substructure and siblings, was used to simulate a NDNAD . In this paper, we have used this model to test the usefulness of familial searching and offer guidelines for pre-assessment of the cases based on the likelihood ratio. Siblings of “persons” present in the simulated Swiss NDNAD were created. These profiles (N =10,000) were used as traces and were then compared to the whole database (N =100,000). The statistical results obtained show that the technique has great potential confirming the findings of previous studies. However, effectiveness of the technique is only one part of the story. Familial searching has juridical and ethical aspects that should not be ignored. In Switzerland for example, there are no specific guidelines to the legality or otherwise of familial searching. This article both presents statistical results, and addresses criminological and civil liberties aspects to take into account risks and benefits of familial searching. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Democracies and civil liberties can only prosper within peaceful and nonviolent societies, and violent conflict and terror often harm the political and social atmosphere that they need to exist. Since the terror attacks on American soil in 2001 shocked the world, many states, especially Western democracies have started and fought an internal and external war on terror. It is unclear whether a definitive success against terrorism could have been achieved in the past, as much as it is the case for the future. On the other hand, the events including terrorism and counter-terrorism measures have had tremendous setbacks on civil liberties worldwide. These setbacks can largely be explained within, and as the result of, three correlated phenomena; rising statist tendencies in domestic and international politics, anti-terror legislation that has been made to endorse the former and manipulated society or supportive groups. Based on selected cases of academia and the press, this paper, therefore, concludes that the threats and setbacks to civil liberties come not only from terrorist networks, but also from the state and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article will explore how the terrorist threat is being materially and normatively shaped by national and global institutions of law and order with an emphasis on Spain. In this process security managers are gaining immense powers with limited national or supranational supervision thereby creating a symbiosis that enables them to perpetuate their relevance within national, transnational and international security affairs. This article concludes that this occurrence which is blurring the lines between internal and external aspects of security creates a complex dilemma for civil liberties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bioterrorism is defined as the deliberate release of pathogens or their toxins into a civilian population for the purpose of causing illness or death. In a world made uncertain by terrorists, a chemical weapon or bioterrorism threat or even a hoax can shut down a business for days and create an unique new type of environmental liability, as well as lead to workplace safety issues and other liabilities. Physicians and public health officials would bear the brunt of the health nightmare caused by an act of bioterrorism. Mass casualties and the "worried well" would crowd healthcare facilities that barely cope with normal healthcare loads. Often overlooked in thinking about bioterrorism and its effects is the foundation that law provides for effective public health activities. The United States Commission on Civil Rights has been warned by the head of the Public Health Association that this country is unprepared for a bioterrorist attack and would be dramatically affected since a large segment of the population is already medically underserved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mana (01049313) is the property of Contra Capa Livraria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Terrorism is a dreaded environmental hazard. Shortly after the terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001, a nationwide random sample of 1,200 adults 18 years or older was gathered by the Pew Research Center regarding public perceptions about the attacks and their aftermath. A year later; they repeated the national sample and added special samples of New York City and Washington, D.C. Using these data and theories developed to understand public reactions to environmental hazards, we examined the extent to which US. residents were willing to allow government to monitor credit card purchases, telephone calls, and e-mails, and were willing to carry a national identification card, which would be produced upon request by police. In 2001, 36% of respondents supported two or three of these actions, and in 2002, the proportion was 31%. But in New York City, 49% favored two or three. The most interesting findings were the change in the correlates of public support in 2001, a combination of demographic (education, age), residence of respondent, and feelings (praying more, depressed) were the strongest correlates of the willingness to sacrifice personal civil liberties. A year later the strongest correlates, especially in New York City, were behaviors and feelings (suspicious, angry, scared, avoided certain cities and events). In other words, as expected from theory, some members of the public have begun to focus on what they can do to reduce their risk, and that behavioral pattern includes a willingness to surrender some civil liberties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The threat of terrorism is very different from conventional war. Terrorism challenges the structures of national, state, and municipal governments and their relationships. Confronting terrorism requires compromises between maximizing competitiveness in the critical infrastructure industry and restoring the industry’s resilience. Responsibility for addressing these issues is diffuse and poorly specified in American society. But most critical is the development of a strategy to reduce the threat and consequence of catastrophic terrorism while protecting civil liberties—all in a strategy that is sustainable over periods of time when no attacks have occurred. The beginning of such a strategy is proposed. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article examines constitutional protection of human rights, in particular civil liberties and political rights, in two democratic and two undemocratic regimes respectively. While the existing literature is consensual on the importance of constitutional democracy in upholding fundamental human rights, the discussion on authoritarianism is limited. This paper provides a comparative framework and suggests that not only do the constitutional democracies, namely Tonga and Monaco, perform well on constitutional human rights protection, Hong Kong and Singapore, both undemocratic, also demonstrate a similar level of protection on paper. Combining with their performance on human rights protection, it is argued that constitutional provisions in both democratic and authoritarian states carry limited significance, but how constitutions are interpreted and implemented matter the most. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the resolution for restoring civil liberties and mass surveillance opposition by the American Library Association (ALA). The author highlights the topics of the resolution which include the support of ALA to promote transparency and accountability to the people, the disclosure of information for public access to enable public discourse and community engagement. The author also cited commitments of the organization on behalf of its members and public interests.