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This study is theoretically anchored in the office-seeking approach and coalition theory of political science. It is based on the most widespread theories of portfolio distribution in executive and legislative bodies (proportionality, power index, voting weights), and it tests these theories using data related to coalition negotiations in the Czech Republic for the new 2021 government coalition, a case of a surplus majority government. The study investigates the distribution of ministerial positions in the government, the office of President (Speaker) of the Chamber of Deputies, and the chairs of permanent parliamentary committees. The analysis also explores the types of electoral coalitions formed; the SPOLU coalition was a superadditive coalition, while the PirSTAN coalition was only an additive coalition. Grounded in the theory of electoral games, the Shapley-Shubik and Banzhaf power indices and the theory of coalition formation are applied in order to analyse the possible minimal winning coalitions that could be formed following the 2021 elections to the Chamber of Deputies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tries to empirically examine the factors which influence the allocation of discretionary central transfers to the 14 major Indian states covering a period of 14 years, from 2003-04 to 2016-17. The panel robust fixed effects and fixed effect with Driscoll and Kraay standard error estimation models are employed. Research evidence bears out simultaneous impact of economic and political variables and interaction variables on discretionary transfers. As per the overall empirical outcome, fiscal space, GSDP growth, MPs, minority coalition are the major determinants of transfers. It is evident from the results that the states with a larger GSDP and fiscal space, along with political lobby, were able to get relatively larger central discretionary funds amid lesser influence and even lack of institutionalisation of political lobbying in Indian federalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sistema is the property of Asociacion de Revistas Culturales de Espana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers information on the significance of a legal framework of the rules and principles of the Canadian constitutional law leading to the formation of a government in Canada. Topics also discussed include the threat of crisis of confidence in Canadian democratic institutions, duty of the Governor General or Lieutenant Governor to appoint the leader of the political party, and role of constitutional conventions in government formation.

Abstract: Through reviewing the UK Coalition Government’s reconfiguration of the security–development nexus, this paper tracks a move away from the ‘securitisation of development’, toward the ‘developmentisation of security’. It demonstrates how discourses of capacity building from the bottom-up have replaced the assertions of global cosmopolitanism of the Blair years. We argue that the Coalition is attempting to portray this as a ‘post-interventionist’ approach, in an attempt to resolve the crisis of faith in legal accountability, moral responsibility and political responsibility inherited from the previous administration, and respond to their legacy of international interventions. Rather than emphasise the agency of liberators, the UK Coalition therefore now cultivates the image of a chaotic world, populated by vulnerable subjects in need of empowerment, where instrumental interventions are less certain. Thus, reconfiguring the intervention/non-intervention binary, more recent engagements in Libya, Afghanistan and the Arab Spring have been framed by and retreated into facilitating the resilience of non-Western subjects. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Overt acquisition of nuclear weapons capacity by India and Pakistan in May 1998 signalled a tectonic shift in the nature of subcontinental conflicts. India’s military superiority in the region and its strategic depth got considerably weakened due to Pakistan’s attainment of strategic parity vis-à-vis India. In the wake of overt nuclearisation, the logic of nuclear deterrence in subcontinental security dynamics was also questioned because of continued security instability, evident in instances like the military impasse of 2001–2002. Hence, the subject of nuclearisation of subcontinental security began to capture wider spaces in the political debates in India. This strategic decision, having been taken by a coalition government, imparted enormous complexities to the domestic political exchanges over the security dynamics of the subcontinent. It also drastically transformed the nature and content of India’s domestic politics, as it brought strategic issues and foreign policy agenda of the government into the political parlance of the common people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The oft-repeated accusation of utopianism against basic income advocates is contradicted by evidence that aspects of this proposal may be entering the social policy mainstream. But -- as in every sphere of public policy -- the measures proposed are compromised with other longstanding principles. Using the example of the tax-benefit reforms scheduled to be introduced in the United Kingdom (UK), this article argues that there are risks of undesirable consequences (in terms of justice and equal citizenship) from the adoption of such partial versions of the scheme, but that they represent necessary first steps towards the gains claimed for a full basic income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though Israel has introduced western parliamentary democracy, its electoral system is different from those of most western countries. Israel adopts a proportional representation system with a single -member district: the whole state of Israel is one electoral constituency in Knesset elections. Only political parties or party-coalitions, rather than individuals, are eligible to participate in elections. Knesset seats are distributed among factions of the political parties and party-coalitions based on their proportion of the total number of votes cast. Since no single political party or party-coalition can emerge from an election with an overall majority to form a government, they have to form a coalition. This unique form of parliamentary democracy in Israel provides a breeding ground for political factions and leads to much political disorder, with the result that Israeli politics is full of small parties. Small and medium-sized parties fracture into new small and medium parties, again and again, producing a vicious circle in Israeli politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Evropska Volebni Studia is the property of Masaryk University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)