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Copyright of Ankara Review of European Studies (ARES) / Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi (AAÇD) is the property of Ankara University European Union Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Union's (EU) mission to promote its idea of European-ness across the continent led to its eastern enlargements and later the Eastern Partnership of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Along the way, this mission encountered competing norms and regional integration efforts shaped by sociocultural and historical ties connecting state, society and territory. These ties inform the barriers to Europeanisation and the backsliding from EU-managed policy reforms. They can illuminate where the EU's self-image and constructed European identity do not reflect perspectives abroad or those of EU member countries. Such inconsistencies in the EU-constructed identity that shaped related policy mechanisms prevented sustainable regional transformation and integration. Further policy integration and future EU enlargement remain strong possibilities, as does the risk of basing the next generation of policy mechanisms on a distorted image of the EU and its capacity to transform. In this article, I apply a novel critical theory perspective on the entwined processes of de- and reterritorialisation to this context, and argue that this perspective clarifies and informs the EU's aim to transform and unite Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective is to analyze the place and role played by history in the operations of Poland and Germany in the field of Eastern policy, with particular emphasis on the context surrounding the Russian war against Ukraine and how it developed in the first months of this conflict. In order to demonstrate the relationship between history's influence on the present public discourse and Eastern and European policy of Poland and Germany, the article focuses on selected aspects of these countries' Eastern policy, both historically and currently. The study also shows the connection between history and politics, particularly as it relates to the Russian Federation's use of the so-called historical tools in hybrid tactics aimed at Poland, Germany, Ukraine and other democratic European countries. The text employs both the historical method and the comparative method. Additionally, discourse analysis was used in order to examine selected utterances of politicians and other representatives of public life in Poland and Germany, regarding history and Eastern policy. Selected elements of the analysis of the decision-making process related to the issues of the politics of memory, Eastern policy as well as European policy were also used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Educational practices are instrumental in the transfer of European values beyond EU borders. Our aim is to problematize Europeanisation through education in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries by studying the promotion of EU studies in higher education projects funded by the Erasmus + programme. The paper discusses the educational dimension of Europeanisation in EaP countries from three interrelated perspectives - social constructivism, the Foucauldian concept of governmentality and a post-structuralist reading of centrality and marginality. We specifically focus on a series of international projects developed by the University of Tartu (Estonia) in partnership with other EU-based and non-EU universities from the EaP. We used qualitative data from reports of 4 EU-funded cooperation projects and also students' views obtained in 2 focus groups that explored how the EU is taught and discussed. In the end, the added value of the article is that it offers a critical view on teaching the EU in the Eastern neighborhood, focusing on nuanced local perspectives on the challenges of Europeanisation through education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to investigate the effects of the 2008/2009 financial crisis on the convergence process of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries towards the core countries of the European Union (EU-15). To do so, we econometrically test the relationship between the per capita GDP growth rate and selected macroeconomic variables in the period 2004-2018 and three sub-periods: the pre-crisis, the crisis, and the post-crisis period. We hypothesize that the financial crisis had a negative impact on the absolute and conditional convergence process in the analyzed group of countries. The convergence rates are estimated using ordinary least squares (OLS) semi-log regression based on cross-sectional data. The empirical results show that the EaP countries converge towards the EU-15 Member States and that the convergence rates range between 1.6% and 4.3%. Negative effects of the financial crisis on the convergence process are confirmed only for absolute convergence. The two groups of countries form separate clusters, which indicates a considerable heterogeneity of growth. According to the results of this research, the EaP countries should focus on opening their economies to more trade, increase macroeconomic stability and decrease corruption, because improvement in these areas should lead to a faster convergence process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Public Security & Public Order / Visuomenes Saugumas ir Viesoji Tvarka is the property of Mykolas Romeris University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In June 2008, the European Council invited the Commission to prepare a proposal for an Eastern Partnership (EaP) with the aim of supporting regional cooperation and strengthening the EU's relations with its eastern neighbors. Following the conflict in Georgia and considering its impact on regional stability, the extraordinary European Council of September 1, 2008, called for this process to be accelerated. The Eastern Partnership aims to strengthen the political association and economic integration of six partner countries in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia., Republic of Moldova, Ukraine. Russia and Turkey are not integrated into the Eastern Partnership, as both countries have acquired a different status in their relationship with the EU: Turkey - candidate country; Russia - strategic partnership. The Eastern Partnership is a specific Eastern dimension of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). Through the ENP, the EU collaborates with its neighbors in the south and east to reach the closest political association and the highest degree of economic integration possible. Security, stability and prosperity, democracy and the rule of law in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus are a priority for the EU. It continues to test new equipment, people and methods in Syria. Russia is consolidating militarily in Crimea. So, in this situation with a rich Russian activity, what is to be done? The response of Western states is different. 1 A kind of appeasement (Germany and the largest country in Western Europe); 2 Resistance and limited containment (the US and some Eastern European countries). Our study tries to analyze these options. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Eastern Partnership inaugurated in 2009, is the foundation of the Eastern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Six Eastern European and Southern Caucasus countries have been included in this program and have become strategic partners for the EU after a decade of cooperation. Nevertheless, the attitude of individual Member States towards developing Eastern policy varies. This is determined by a different degree of involvement in ENP projects and by prioritizing specific dimensions. The article presents the position of Germany and France towards the establishment and vision of the development of the Eastern Partnership after a decade of its functioning. The aim of the article is to clarify the priorities that these countries follow in their vision of developing EU Eastern policy and to what extent these priorities can be considered as political constraints for deepening cooperation within the Partnership. The analysis is based on the assumption that despite the lack of a comprehensive EU strategy for the future of this cooperation, both France and Germany, forming the European „tandem", follow a similar concept of the Partnership program development, based on three basic issues: limiting political cooperation for deepening economic integration; giving priority to relations with Russia, a firm opposition to political declarations related to the recognition of the aspirations of partner countries for EU membership. The main research method used in the article is the analysis of official documents of EU institutions and French and German government institutions in the field of foreign policy (including European policy), as well as official speeches of representatives of both countries. The comparative method was applied at the level of comparing the EU approach, as well as that of the German and French authorities, to the development of the Eastern Partnership in the medium and long term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Potential of sustainable regional development is studied through demographic, economic, social, socio-cultural and ecological indicators in order to determine the strategy development areas of regional SMART specialisation on the example of Cherkasy oblast (the central region of Ukraine). Cherkasy oblast was selected for the study because it is one of the pilot regions for the implementation of the SMART specialisation strategies. The following methods were used in the course of the study: the system-structure analysis, comparative-geographic method, mapping (GIS - MapInfo Professional, Surfer Golden Software, and program for gravity modelling of the potential field calculation), interpolation, correlation and description-statistical method. The results of the study are intended for national and regional policy-makers, representatives of self-governance, researchers dealing with regional development problems, NGOs, representatives of small and medium business, public activists and others. The proposed results of the study of the sustainable regional development potential in view of SMART specialisation on the example of Cherkassy oblast may be used in the countries of the Eastern Partnership (Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Armenia). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to outline the main trends and dynamics in Moldova's development over the ten years since it became part of the EU's Eastern Partnership. This article analyzes the main dimensions in Moldova's relationship with the EU, in particular the essential elements are emphasized vis-à-vis the EU-Moldova Association Agreement, Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement and the dialog on abolishing the visa regime with the EU. Moreover, it attempts a regional comparison of the EaP member states, from an interdisciplinary analytical perspective offered by some civil society entities in Moldova. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2009, the main mechanism of Eurointegration in Ukraine, in addition to the bilateral diplomatic efforts and internally driven pro-European reforms, has been the Eastern Partnership (EaP), a multilateral project has that brought Kyiv both new opportunities and additional challenges and uncertainty. Although the positives outcomes have generally been welcomed, these have not detracted from the commonly held view among experts that despite good outcomes in stimulating economic reform, support for the new government and citizen institutions, and a tangible contribution to stability on the EU borders, the current strategy alone will not secure the stable development of the democracy and market economy in Eastern Europe generally, and Ukraine in particular. The commitment of these countries to general European principles has to be supported by the prospect of EU membership and that means revisiting the current format and especially the philosophy behind the Eastern Partnership. One possible scenario could be the formation of EaP+3 within the European Partnership, which would bring together Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova - the countries with Association Agreements with the EU - and a commitment to EU membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eastern Partnership's tenth-anniversary celebration in May 2019 by the European Union and its Eastern neighbors was anything but grandiose and festive. Internal EU developments, the overall political dynamics in the region and the indeterminacies of the Eastern Partnership project were the main cause. As the EU's flagship policy initiative towards its Eastern European neighborhood is currently undergoing auditing and revision, this article seeks to cast a look back at how the Eastern Partnership has functioned over the past decade - and to think forward to its future(s) with regard to design and deliverables in face of the enduring and imminent policy dilemmas in this highly contested region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In December 1991, the political map of the world acquired newly independent states. The former Soviet republics became free to follow foreign policies based on their interests and conditioned, to a great extent, by their geographic location and integration in the production and economic context of the previous, Soviet period. The fact that the Soviet Union was replaced by newly independent states did not remove the cooperation issue from their common agenda. Indeed, the post-Soviet states could not cope, on their own, with social and economic problems piling up during the first years of their independence. Cooperation was an obvious must, yet the post-Soviet republics remained undecided. The new elites that nurtured political ambitions of their own were not ready to abandon them and had no experience of bilateral and multilateral cooperation to rely on. The fast transit from socialist ideology to market economy, the changed status of the republics--from parts of a single state to independent countries--made it harder, if at all possible, to correctly assess the situation unfolding across the post-Soviet space. Certain political factors or, rather, the power struggle inside each of the post-Soviet states and their ardent desire to get rid of the Soviet heritage strongly affected the discussion and realization of integration initiatives. This explains why integration projects seemed like a heavy burden rather than an instrument very much needed to cope with fundamental problems and why post-Soviet states failed to establish efficient multilateral cooperation. The external factor, likewise, interfered to a great extent with post-Soviet integration: as independent states, the former Soviet republics became a zone of geopolitical and economic interests of the world's leading states that spared no effort to get access to their resources and to shape their domestic and foreign policies. The West wanted a greater role in the political sphere and stronger contacts with the new political elites. Economic interaction was widening; the post-Soviet states opened their markets to big Western businesses which did nothing good to national economy. The former Soviet republics were thus adjusted to the economic system of the West, which needed new markets and more resources; their elites had no choice but take commands from the new masters, which made integration a haphazard process in many respects. The post-Soviet period is dotted with random and mainly failed attempts to realize some of the integration projects, yet foreign policy aspirations and ambitions of the ruling elites widened the gap between the former Soviet republics. On the whole, the newly independent states were fairly ambiguous in their policies and aspirations: on the one hand, in expectation of a wider cooperation with the West, the dominant foreign policy trend, the majority looked at Russia as one of the partners. On the other, integration projects remained on the agenda because of economic problems, because the former Soviet republics needed more time to finally define their national identities and because Moscow was needed as a counterbalance to the West. Today, post-Soviet countries are united by nothing more than the geographical boundaries of the defunct state, while the political and economic processes unfolding in certain post-Soviet states do not allow us to look at the sub-regions of Central Asia, the Southern Caucasus, etc. as geopolitical units. The balance of power that has been taking shape in the last few years is strongly affected by the changed relationship between Russia and Ukraine and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) project that triggered a reformatting of the post-Soviet space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

IN RECENT YEARS WE HAVE BEEN WITNESSES TO MAJOR CHANGES TAKING PLACE IN THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBORHOOD. THE WHOLE PROJECT OF THE ENP DISTANCED ITSELF FROM THE ORIGINAL BLUEPRINT LEAVING MOST OF ITS ORIGINAL OBJECTIVES BEHIND. THE EFFECTS OF THE ECONOMIC CRISIS AND THE POOR SECURITY CLIMATE IN EUROPE`S CLOSE NEIGHBORHOOD REDEFINED PRIORITIES TOWARDS WHICH SCENARIOS BEST SUIT THE CURRENT, HIGHLY VOLATILE PROXIMITY? THESE INITIATIVES EMBARKED IN A MULTILATERAL ACTION PLAN, FOLLOWED BY BILATERAL ARRANGEMENTS, SPICED WITH THE ENACTMENT OF SOME OLDER FORMS OF REGIONAL COOPERATION. FROM THIS PLETHORA OF COMBINED ENERGIES AND ALTERNATIVE SUPPORT THE ENP MADE SIGNIFICANT STEPS TOWARDS A CONSOLIDATED VERSION OF THE EU`S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY, WHICH INSTEAD OF FOCUSING ON A SMALLER GROUP OF STATES TO EMULATE A FAVORABLE COURSE OF ACTION, IT TILTED AGAINST THIS RATIONALE AND BECAME MUCH MORE DOMESTICALLY ORIENTED. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Medunarodni Problemi is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue Française d'Administration Publique is the property of Direction de l'Information Legale et Administrative and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The EU regional policy towards six former Soviet republics has been developed through the Eastern Partnership program. These countries are differentiated by their geographical location and are classified into two distinct sub-regions: (1) the New Eastern Europe: The Republic of Moldova, Belarus and Ukraine, and (2) the South Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. These sub-regions are caught between two models of regionalization, being required to choose either democracy and a market economy' or autocracy and a centralized economy. This article approaches the EU’s transformative power in Europeanizing its neighbors. Since Europeanization may increase regionalization, the author resorts to Michael Emerson’s concept of the transformative regionalism. Therefore, if the EU seeks to become a successful global actor, then it needs to regionalize its vicinities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paperwork is to analyze the impact of the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership, on neighboring countries of the Eastern European Union and to measure the effects of the economic crisis on trade between European Union and Republic of Moldova. The paperwork presents the provisions of the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership, the influence that these policies have had on the development of the Republic of Moldova's economy and the impact of financial crisis on trade between Moldova and EU countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rivista di Studi Politici Internazionali is the property of Edizioni Studium S.r.l and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History Pages is the property of National Technical University of Ukraine KPI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Review of International Law & Politics / Uluslararasi Hukuk ve Politika is the property of International Strategic Research Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recently relations between Russia and the European Union have been experiencing another dramatic period. Unfortunately this is not the first time in the centuries-long history of Russian-European relations. If we look back at the last quarter of a century i.e. the period when modern Russian foreign policy was created, it is clear that Russia was waltzing at least theoretically towards establishing and developing relations with Europe and implementing Eurasian integration projects, but lagged behind with its own projects. Relations between Russia and the European Union were complicated by the EU back stepping each time it became dissatisfied with Russia's actions. Ultimately, the entire Russian and EU Four Spaces program collapsed as the EU opted for relations with Eastern Partnership countries which seemed more predictable. Notwithstanding this, Russian geopolitical strategy was focused on Europe. Russian experts believe that the main aspect requiring attention was and is to shape the political culture of a Russian-European consensus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hungary is often viewed as Russia's new Trojan horse in the European Union owing to its deepening relations with Russia as part of its "Eastern Opening" policy, its increasing energy proximity and strong opposition to the EU sanctions. This article briefly outlines Hungary's "Eastern Opening" policy in the Russian context and then analyzes whether the Trojan Horse observation is correct by discussing how Hungary's trade and energy relations with Russia have evolved. It goes on to look at the Paks-2 deal and Hungarian reactions to the sanctions regime before concluding that by signing the Paks-2 deal, the Orbán government drove Hungary to a point at which the Russian side of its foreign policy came into unavoidable conflict with its relations within the EU. If the deal is set in motion, Hungary risks being tied to Moscow's orbit and thus becoming its Trojan Horse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes Visegrad Group policy towards Russia by comparing the national policies of participating countries. In contrast to the joint activities carried out within the EU Eastern Partnership, Visegrad Group countries have rarely adopted a common position on the Russian Federation on account of their different perceptions of security risks and national interests. In spite of their common strategic goals, divergence over relations with Russia can sometimes undermine confidence between the V4 countries, and this may weaken Visegrad cooperation in the future. The recent conflict between the EU and Russia caused splits not only between V4 countries but also within them. This has been particularly true in Slovakia and Hungary, and to some extent in the Czech Republic, where debate on the foreign policy direction of their countries have been reignited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an attempt to understand the significance of the Eastern Partnership project for Eastern Europe and the Southern Caucasus as well as the European Union and offer a set of recommendations for improving the Eastern Partnership. The fourth 2015 EaP Summit was a key moment for the EU in terms of identifying its response policy to the hybrid war between Russia and Ukraine. The crisis has led to unprecedented challenges for the security and economic interests of the EU and its member states and these should be faced accordingly. In a geopolitical confrontation the EU is doomed to failure. Therefore the rationale behind the "either/ or" policy (either integration with the EU or with Russia - by means of a customs union) has to be reconsidered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE UKRAINE CRISIS IS ONE OF THE MOST IMPORTANT ISSUES INVOLVING THE SECURITY ENVIRONMENT OF THE XXITH CENTURY, CHARACTERIZED BY MANY TRANSFORMATIONS AND THREATS AND INVOLVING SOME OF THE MAJOR ACTORS ON THE GLOBAL SCENE. IN RESPONSE TO THE SECURITY THREATS, BOTH ACTORS - NATO AND THE EUROPEAN UNION, MUST ADAPT THEIR VISION, DOCTRINE AND BEHAVIOR TO NEW REALITIES. RECENT, CASES LIKE RUSSO-GEORGIAN WAR IN 2008 AND UKRAINE CRISIS IN PRESENT, ARE REAL TESTS OF BOTH NATO CAPACITY AND EUROPEAN UNION CREDIBILITY. RUSSIA WILL CONTINUE TO MAINTAIN ITS SPHERE OF INFLUENCE AND WON'T ACCEPT INVOLVEMENT OF OTHER ACTORS, IN ORDER TO CHANGE THIS STATUS QUO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper serves as an evaluation of the PaE in Azerbaidjan, since its lauching on the 7th of May 2009 which took place in Praga to the Vilnius Summit, taking place between the 18th-19th of november 2013. It focuses on the results of the implementation process of PaE in Azerbaidjan up to present and on the perspectives of this political initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Almanac / Politikos Mokslų Almanachas is the property of Vytautas Magnus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Intellectual Economics is the property of Intellectual Economics / Mykolas Romeris University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On 28-29 November, 2013, Vilnius hosted the 3rd Eastern Partnership Summit, at which several former Soviet republics were expected to ascend to a higher institutional level in their relations with the European Union. Belarus and Azerbaijan preferred to step aside, while two other members (Armenia and Ukraine) left the program in the fall of 2013 when the talks were over. Georgia and Moldova initialed, but did not sign, the Association Agreement with the EU.1 This means that four-and-a-half years of this highly ambitious program produced very modest results, to say the least, very much due to the fact that Ukraine, the region's biggest player, excused itself from signing.This did not put a full-stop to the relations between the Eastern Partnership (EP) members and the EU, however the Vilnius Summit marked an intermediate finish of sorts. The old strategy ran into a dead end, leaving Brussels without a new strategy for its relations with its Eastern neighbors. To move forward, the EU should try to find out what went wrong. We should analyze what has happened and why. Here I have tried to comprehend how the relations between the EU and Soviet successor-states developed under the project to provide (probably delayed) answers to the following questions: 1. Did the summit fail because Russia was very skeptical about the results of European integration for its neighbors?2. Why did this problem come to the fore in mid-2013 rather than in 2008 when it all started? 3. Why did the Russian factor (described as an imminent threat to the European programs on the post-Soviet space) remain neglected? To correctly understand the motivation of what has been done and to avoid unsubstantiated assessments, we need to look at what happened in Vilnius from the perspective of Brussels, Moscow, and the post-Soviet capitals involved.I will rely on the chronology of the EP project divided into three key periods: - from May 2008 when the program was announced to May 2009 when it started; - repeated actualization of the program, which stretched from the summer of 2010 to the summer of 2011; - speeding up the talks in preparation for the Vilnius Summit and the zero sum game between Russia and the EU (2013). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eastern Partnership (EP) program should be viewed as another attempt to reformat the post-Soviet space along anti-Russian and anti-Eurasian lines and a response to Moscow's integration activities. This is not the first attempt of its kind: the West has already tried other geopolitical and geoeconomic tools. The final aim, however, has remained the same: Russia's domination and possible integration of post-Soviet regions irrespective of form, even economically adequate, should be prevented by all means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Public Security & Public Order / Visuomenes Saugumas ir Viesoji Tvarka is the property of Mykolas Romeris University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Central Asian & Caucasian Studies is the property of International Strategic Research Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Rivista di Studi Politici Internazionali is the property of Edizioni Studium S.r.l and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper studies the dynamics of EU external migration governance in the EU external migration policy. The external migration policy of the EU is characterized by the implementation of the conceptual framework of the Global Approach to Migration, which is based on the integration of migration issues in the EU external relations and on strengthening cooperation with partner countries. The aim of the study is to empirically describe the form of EU external migration governance on the four platforms of cooperation: the European Neighbourhood Policy, the Eastern Partnership, the Euro-African dialogue on migration and development and the Prague Process. The paper concludes that despite the fact that the latest developments are moving toward a preference for fighting against illegal migration in the neighborhood of the EU, there is a dynamic development in more remote regional platforms of cooperation, which represents a balanced horizontal partnership guided by principles of the Global Approach to Migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Republic of Moldova is facing with serious problems in the labor market evolution and development. Sure that have been taken steps regarding to all periods of the past decade, but probably the last two decades crisis was deep in various fields. How can we promote labor market activation policies in Moldova in the economy with different economic, financial, natural resources and insufficient materials. In this article we intend to reflect the situation in the national economy through macroeconomic indicators reflection, Population dynamic by main age groups, Employment structure by activity field, Employment rates by education level, Unemployment rate evolution environments for the period 2007 - 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study looks at Romania's place in the neighborhood policy currently implemented by the European Union, a policy meant to support the efforts of the EU's partners and neighbors aimed at creating an area of prosperity and common values, based on high economic integration, more intense political and cultural relations, and cross-border cooperation. While this policy includes three geographical areas--the Mediterranean Region, Eastern Europe and Southern Caucasus--the present study focuses on the second and on Romania's possible involvement, especially in light of its favorable geostrategic position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes an analysis of and new approaches to the new Eastern Partnership project, which is a new stage in strengthening the European Neighbourhood Policy The article proposes a scientific contribution to the knowledge of this important public policy of EU. By using its author's expertise in the European Parliament, the article approaches issues such as: the geostrategic reasons for launching the Eastern Partnership project and its aims, financing the project, the political and institutional structures of the Eastern Partnership: intergovernmental and parliamentary level, technical and non-governmental level. The author sets forth a series of critical considerations concerning the Eastern Partnership and the Summit in Prague on 7 May 2009, at the same time emphasizing the difficulties of the 6 Eastern republics involved: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. The article presents both Russia's official speech concerning the Eastern Partnership together with the EU-Russia dialogue on this issue, and the profound causes of Russia's hostility, towards the Eastern Partnership. Finally, Romania's position towards the Eastern Partnership is also presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the main principles that underpin Polish foreign policy towards its Eastern neighbours, focusing on the attributes of Poland's latest contribution to the European Union's (EU) policies - the Eastern Partnership (EaP). The article argues that the main attributes of the EaP are not only the outcome of Polish security concerns, but are also deeply rooted in Polish national identity. After years of communist rule, Polish national identity has been in a process of reconstruction, not only through the "return to Europe", but also through the re-establishment of closer bonds with its Eastern neighbours. At the same time, the Eastern Partnership provides the means for Poland to redefine its role in the political landscape of the EU and to infiltrate its national identity and ideals into the EU's political reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socialinių Mokslų Studijos is the property of Mykolas Romeris University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the link between the adaptation of national executives and diplomats to the EU and the capacity of a state to influence EU foreign policy outcomes. It argues that, in the case of Poland, the politicization of the domestic administrative structures before 2004 constrained the ability of the state to impact on the EU's external agenda after the enlargement. It also claims that a rapid adaptation to the EU occurred only after the Polish accession to the EU, as the will to influence the EU's policy towards Eastern Europe was a main driver for changes in the national diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]