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Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dixit. Comunicación, Profesión, Conocimiento is the property of Universidad Catolica del Uruguay Damaso Antonio Larranaga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Papers: Revista de Sociologia is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Starting from the literature, the present study analyzes the electoral campaign and political communication through social media and highlights the capacity of the Internet to transform the way of action of politicians, political parties, governmental organizations, the media and last but not least, of the citizen / voter. New media is at the moment the concept that has succeeded in transforming the understanding of mass communication, causing radical changes in the communication manner, in the strategies and conduct of the electoral campaign. Virtual / social space exploits communication in all its forms, and politics benefits from these advantages, with the Internet providing the opportunity for politicians to interact directly with voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of social media as a tool for political and electoral communication is not fully explored by Moroccan researchers. This study aims to identify the influencers of the political conversation, on YouTube, during the period of the Moroccan election campaign of 2016 by using centrality measures, and discuss the nature of information shared by those influencers and their profile. The finding shows that digital media and vloggers tend to be central instead of politician elites and official media who were absent from the top influencer list. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista FAMECOS - Mídia, Cultura e Tecnologia is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The mediatisation model in politics assumes that media conveys political messages between parties and citizenship, with the risk of promoting issues that frame the electoral content in terms of competition. These dynamics could distract from the debate of ideas and political policies. However, digital media like Twitter provide direct communication channels between parties, candidates and users. The present research explores Twitter content during an electoral campaign focused on the four issues proposed by Patterson (1980) to assess mediatisation: political, policy, campaign and personal (regarding the candidate). The goal of this research study is to evaluate the degree of mediatisation on Twitter using this typology. The research also evaluates the influence of the issue on retweet volume. The study's basis was a 15.8 million-tweet corpus obtained during the 2015 Spanish General Election pre-campaign and campaign. This dataset was analysed using an automatic classification system. The results highlighted a predominance of policy issues during both the pre-campaign and campaign, except for the two televised debates, during which campaign issues were the most prevalent. On the election night, users commented much more on political issues. Finally, the kind of issue most likely to be retweeted was policy issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the issues published in Twitter by the main four Spanish political leaders during the general elections held on 26 June 2016. The research method is a quantitative content analysis applied to the each and every 2,339 tweets published by Mariano Rajoy (PP), Pedro Sánchez (PSOE), Pablo Iglesias (Podemos) and Albert Rivera (Ciudadanos) during the official electoral campaign. The objectives are to identify the campaign issues and to compare their presence between leaders. The results show that the main issue in both elections is the own party campaign activities and that there are manifest diferences between the four candidates. Regarding the comparison between shared issues, Rajoy and Rivera highlight the economic issues; Sánchez and Iglesias underline the gender-related demands; Rivera, Sánchez and Iglesias attach importance to the social rights; while Iglesias and Rivera focused on corruption and political regeneration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de Sociología is the property of Federacion Espanola de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Investigaciones Políticas y Sociológicas (RIPS) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of F@ro: Revista Teórica del Departamento de Ciencias de la Comunicación y de la Información is the property of Universidad de Playa Ancha de Ciencias de la Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Social Sciences is the property of Kuwait University, Academic Publication Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article describes the scope, forms, and means of using the mobilisation and engagement potential of the new media in electoral campaigns. It is illustrated by the case of the social network site Facebook for in-depth analysis. The paper then presents how social network can be used to support traditional discursive functions, such as attack, acclaim, defense, contrast, and so on. The article also aims at showing the style and form of electoral communication in the social media. The observations and conclusions in the paper are based on the analysis of posts published on the official Facebook profiles by Bronisław Komorowski (Polish presidential campaign in 2010) as well as Barack Obama and Mitt Romney (US presidential campaign in 2012). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to present instances of political communication during electoral processes carried out with new media tools. The high rate of Internet penetration and the spreading of social networks triggered the response on the part of political candidates, interested to reach their publics wherever possible. In addition, the development of e-democracy, e-governance and e-politics naturally produces effects in electoral processes. The 2012 parliamentary elections in Romania have as distinctive features the breakdown of constituencies into smaller units and the uninominal vote instead of the previously employed party lists. These features placed the burden of communication tasks on individual candidates, who had to resort to at least one web based communication channel during the campaign. The article is structured in five sections, as follows: the first section is dedicated to presenting the context and tools of the study. The second section views the digital communication as the new frontier to conquer for political communicators. The third is dedicated to Romanian politicians and their Internet presence. The fourth section, which is the largest, places the 2012 parliamentary elections in Timis County under the microscope and highlights the choices of communication tools preferred by the candidates coming from the two political alliances that dominated the elections, the Social Liberal Union (USL) and the Right Romania Alliance (ARD). Finally, the concluding sections discusses further research to be carried in understanding how digital technologies shape the pillar of political communication in the years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Redes is the property of Redes-Revista Hispana para el Analisis de Redes Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pôle Sud is the property of Centre Comparatif d'Etudes sur les Politiques Publiques et les Espaces Locaux and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The formation of Greater Budapest, although there were administrative arguments for it as well, remained primarily a political question. Similarly to the plans of 1944, those of 1949 were focusing on securing the best possible election results for a party, in this case those of the Hungarian Workers' Party. However, as the territorial reorganisation of public administration coincided with the transformation of the traditional system of municipal councils and of public administration as well as with the introduction of the council (soviet) system, Greater Budapest was facing a double challenge. The original plans outlined the introduction of a two-level, decentralised public administration; however, the council system integrated the local organs of selfgovernment into the hierarchical system of the state power, and subordinated them to the central government. The October 1950 election of the members of the newly established councils was preceded by a spectacular campaign in order to mobilise society. The 97% ratio of participation suddenly frightened the party leadership and led to a want of firmer centralising measures and of political cleansing, not irrespective of the bureaucratic conflict regarding the division of competencies between the central and the local level. Paradoxically, the "elementary success" of the council elections did not result in the local administration gaining strength, but in the opposite; they rather brought the administration under regulation. The councils were dominated by personal defencelessness, intimidation and fear, and only the complete elimination of the private economy offered new opportunities to the local sphere of force. Until the middle of 1953 the central state administration could sustain its control by building on its previously obtained positions; furthermore, it could even strengthen it. Within this the example of Budapest shows that not even here could the council administration offset the sometimes terroristic will of the political centre, yet its authority rendered it possible for it to expand its scope for action. Within the given framework there was hardly any criticism; neither constitutional nor psychological channels existed for this. There were two opportunities deriving from the social mood of suppressed impulses. Following the June 1953 change, the process leading to the 1954 passing of the new council bill, the more moderate version, the reform prevailed. This was not possible, however, in 1956. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Romana de Comunicare si Relatii Publice is the property of College of Communication & Public Relations, NUPSPA Bucharest and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pôle Sud is the property of Centre Comparatif d'Etudes sur les Politiques Publiques et les Espaces Locaux and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article proposes some reflections and data on the topic regarding the visibility of parties and their leaders on television during the electoral campaigns in 2006 and 2008, with the aim of addressing whether the changes in the structure of the political supply between the two elections were associated with substantial differences in the visibility granted to the running parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos del CENDES is the property of Universidad Central de Venezuela and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)