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The article reports on the finding that mental processes can be influenced by a person's mood. It is suggested that information processing strategies to deal with more demanding situations are promoted by the adaptive consequences of sadness. More attentive and careful thinking are triggered by negative moods such as sadness. Judgments and the acceptance of the sincerity of interpersonal messages are also affected by a person's mood.

What role do affective states play in everyday social behavior? This article presents an overview of recent research on the influence of affective states on the way people think and act in social situations, with a special emphasis on the applied and preventive implications of this work. We review psychodynamic, conditioning, and cognitive explanations of affective influences, and present an integrative theory, the affect infusion model (AIM; Forgas, 1995a). We then review recent evidence for affective influences on social memory, self- and other judgments, attitudes, strategic interaction, stereotyping, future forecasting and a range of other everyday psychological phenomena. We also consider the relevance of these findings for practitioners and professionals in applied areas such as health, counseling, clinical, educational, and organizational psychology.

This paper surveys current empirical and theoretical knowledge about how affective states influence social judgments. Early work on the role of emotions in social perception is reviewed, followed by a discussion of contemporary socio-cognitive theories seeking to explain such effects. Several of our empirical studies are summarised, demonstrating affective influences on social judgments, due to (a) associative, (b) selective attention, (c) memory and (d) learning biases. The role of moods in judgments about the self, decision-making and in clinical conditions are considered. Findings confirm the consistent and significant influence of affective states in biasing the learning, recall and use of affect-consistent materials in judgments. The effects of negative moods were found to be less reliable and more context dependent than positive mood effects. Alternative theoretical interpretations of our and others' results are considered, and an extended mood-priming model is proposed as the best currently available explanation of the empirical Findings.

Although environmentalism is now a major social and political issue in most Western democracies, relatively little is known about the psychological and attitudinal correlates of environmental concern. In this study, the relationship between environmental attitudes, political and economic conservatism, and traditional morality were investigated in a large (N = 621) student sample. We expected and found that greater environmental concern was positively correlated with more radical political views, lack of religiosity, and more libertarian attitudes on various ethical and moral issues. Surprisingly, we also found a small but significant correlation between belief in extremist "doomsday" environmental scenarios and religiosity, suggesting a possible link between these absolutist, "closed" belief systems. Given the parallel rise of environmentalism and conservatism during the past decade, the results suggest that for some, environmentalism may serve as the acceptable focus of general anti-establishment attitudes and ideology in periods of conservatism.

The perception of 20 salient Australian and foreign political personalities was studied using a multidimensional scaling (MDS) procedure, with a view towards (a) establishing the dimensions used to differentiate between politicians, and (b) evaluating the relationship between the judges' personality, attitudinal and cognitive characteristics and their cognitive representation of politicians. Judgements were analysed by an overall MDS analysis, followed by six separate analyses of high and low scoring subjects on each of six measures (conservatism, New Left ideology, Machiavellianism, alienation, mental rigidity, and intolerance of ambiguity). Results indicated that three cognitive dimensions, political conservatism, likeability or evaluation, and rationality denned the perceptual space for politicians. Ideologically committed subjects, both conservatives and New Left, found the first dimension most salient in their judgements, while non-ideological subjects relied more on the second two dimensions. Scores on Machiavellianism and alienation did not significantly affect the perception of politicians. Judges who scored high on mental rigidity and intolerance of ambiguity were more likely to perceive politicians in terms of conservatism-radicalism. The results are discussed in terms of the importance of individual characteristics in political perception, and the extension of these methods to large-scale political surveys is proposed.

Are our judgments of unusual, atypical couples more likely to be distorted due to temporary mood? Two experiments based on a recent multiprocess theory developed by Forgas predicted and found greater mood-consistent bias in judgments of atypical rather than typical relationships. In Experiment 1, happy and sad subjects judged couples who were well-matched or ill-matched in terms of physical attractiveness. In Experiment 2, a false-feedback mood induction was used, followed by judgments of typical and atypical couples. In both studies, mood effects on judgments were consistently greater for mismatched couples. The results are interpreted as suggesting the greater use of mood-based inferences in judgments of unusual targets that require more constructive processing. The role of typicality in mediating mood effects on judgments is discussed, and the implications of the findings for everyday judgments about relationships are considered.

What role does affect play in stereotype judgements? This experiment investigated mood effects on perceptions of Asian (heterosterotype) or Causcasian (autostereotype) characters who were part of a same-race or a mixed-race dyad. We expected that mood should (a) distort stereotype judgements in a mood-consistent direction, and (b) that mood biases should be stronger for mixed-race dyads that require more detailed and inferential processing. Happy, neutral or sad mood was induced in subjects (n=198) using an audio-visual mood induction procedure in an allegedly separate experiment. Subjects were then asked to form impressions of Asian or Caucasian targets associated with a same-race or an other-race partner. As predicted, we found consistent mood-congruent biases in such. However, both positive and negative mood effects were significantly greater when a target was part of a mixed-race dyad, a condition presumably requiring more detailed and substantive inferential processing. These findings are interpreted in terms of current affect-cognition theories, and the implications of the results for everyday affective influences on stereotype judgements are considered.

What is the role of affect in social perception processes? This chapter reviews our empirical research programme on affective influences on social perception, and a new multi-process theoretical framework accounting for such effects is presented. In the first section, traditional approaches to research on social perception, and the recent affect-priming framework in particular, are outlined. Experimental results from our research programme on affective influences on social perception are reviewed next. The evidence shows robust and reliable mood effects on a variety of social judgements, from simple behaviour interpretation tasks to complex attribution and interpersonal preference judgements. The role of affect in social perception by children, in groups, and in field settings is also considered, and evidence for affective influences on processing strategies based on reaction-time studies is summarized. In the final section, recent affect-cognition theories are discussed, and a new integrative multi-process model is proposed. The implications of these results for everyday social judgements, and for contemporary models of social perception and cognition, are considered.

The effects of transient moods on a variety of social judgments were studied in an unobtrusive field study. Subjects were interviewed immediately after leaving film performances classified as predominantly happy, sad, or aggressive in affective tone. Questions covered four topic areas: political judgments, expectations about the future, judgments of responsibility and guilt, and quality-of-life judgments. Judgments on all four question categories were significantly influenced by the affective quality of the films. Judgments were more positive, lenient or optimistic after viewing a happy film than after a sad or an aggressive film. These mood biases were universal irrespective of the demographic background of subjects, suggesting the robustness of the phenomenon. The results were interpreted in terms of recent models of emotional influences on social cognition, and the practical implications of the findings were considered.

Does the meaning of nonverbal signals depend on the physical attractiveness of the communicator? This study looked at the way positive or neutral facial expression cues by attractive or unattractive female communicators are interpreted. Subjects read detailed descriptions of a female target character accompanied by realistic pictures showing her as physically attractive or unattractive and displaying either a positive (smiling) or a neutral facial expression. Three dimensions of impression formation were assessed: evaluation, self-confidence, and responsibility. Results showed (1) that both physical attractiveness and facial expression had a positive main effect on judgments and (2) that there was a significant and nonobvious interaction on judgments of self-confidence and responsibility. Smiling made attractive targets appear more self-confident, and also more responsible for transgressions, but the same expression had exactly the opposite effect when displayed by unattractive individuals. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for nonverbal communication in real-life situations and in terms of their relevance to current work on physical attractiveness and impression formation

Most of our interactions take place within the frame work of culture-specific c social episodes. The cognitive representations people have about such social encounters should thus reflect the salient characteristics of their surrounding culture. Subjects from two very different cultures, Hong Kong (Chinese) and Australia (Western), provided judgments about their implicit representation of 27 social episodes common in both environments, analyzed using an Individual Differences Multi-dimensional Scaling (INDSCAL) procedure. We found significant differences in the cognitive representation of episodes, which were strongly related to the dominant features of the two cultures (see Hofstede, 1980). In addition, individual demographic, personality, and attitudinal variables were also related to episode perceptions in a culture-specific pattern. These results are discussed in terms of the influence of culture on cognition.

Are people who display a positive nonverbal expression treated more leniently after committing a transgression? The present study evaluated the effects of facial expression (positive vs. neutral), seriousness of transgression (serious vs. non-serious), sex of offender, and the decision-making unit (individuals vs. groups) on decisions about guilt, punishment, and the overall impressions formed of the target person. Subjects (N = 217) read descriptions of a severe or nonsevere transgression and were shown a photograph of the offender (male or female) displaying positive (smiling) or neutral nonverbal expression. They rated the target on 13 scales, and later they were asked to discuss the case as a group and to arrive at consensus judgments. Results showed that (a) smiling targets were treated more leniently, particularly when the transgression was a minor one, and (b) following a group discussion to consensus, judgments became more extreme than the initial individual judgments. These results are discussed in terms of their implications for nonverbal communication in real-life situations, and their relevance to current work on responsibility attribution and group-induced opinion shifts is considered.

This research addressed two questions: (1) What are the potentially universal links between the dimensions of person perception and those of behavior intention, and (2) what dimensions of person perception are most salient in collectivist as opposed to individualistic cultures? Male subjects from Hong Kong and Australia read a description of a target person (TP) varying across the universal dimensions of extroversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and emotional stability. They then indicated their behavior intentions toward that TP. Across both cultures, TP conscientiousness was linked to intentions of trust and TP extroversion and agreeableness to intentions of association. As predicted from the dynamics of cultural collectivism, the Chinese were more responsive than the Australians to TP conscientiousness in forming trust intentions and to TP agreeableness in forming associative intentions.

The cognitive representations we have about other nations depend on both cultural and individual characteristics. According to Tajfel's functional perception hypothesis, people may bias their perceptions of other nations by paying particular attention to those characteristics on which their own country is positively distinctive relative to comparable other nations. We evaluated this hypothesis in a developed (Australia) and a developing (Papua New Guinea) nation. Subjects were asked to (a) provide similarity judgements between each pair of 20 countries, selected to be representative of .he major national groupings of the world, and (b) to rate each country on 12 bipolar scales. In addition, demographic information (sex, age, religion, socioeconomic status, and political preference) was also obtained from each subject. The data were analysed using an Individual Differences Multidimensional Scaling (INDSCAL) procedure, resulting in three perceptual dimensions: European-non-European; communist-capitalist; and developed-underdeveloped. A multiple discriminant analysis indicated significant differences between Australian and Papua New Guinean subjects in their use of these dimensions, consistent with the functional perception hypothesis. Demographic variables were also related to nation perception. These results are discussed in terms of their significance for functionalist theories of social perception, and their implications for intercultural communication are considered.

Are social decisions influenced by mood? In this study, subjects feeling happy, sad, or neutral were asked to select a partner from eight potential candidates, either for themselves (personally relevant condition) or for another subject (personally irrelevant condition). Each target was described in a detailed "personnel file," covering both task and interpersonal skills. Decision sequences and outcomes were carefully recorded and analysed. Results showed that (a) mood influenced decision outcomes, with sad subjects preferring rewarding choices more than did happy or control subjects; (b) positive mood resulted in faster and more efficient decisions, but only when the outcome was not personally relevant: (c) sad subjects concentrated more on interpersonal information, took longer to reach a decision. and were less likely to use an elimination by aspects strategy. Mood effects were generally dependent on the personal relevance of the decision. The results are discussed in terms of contemporary theories of mood effects on cognition, and the need for taking social and motivational as well as cognitive variables into account in such models is considered. The implications of the findings for everyday decisions are discussed.

Social episodes are shared, consensual cognitive representations about recurring interaction routines within a subculture. Following a review of historical and contemporary approaches to the study of social situations in various branches of psychology, our own empirical research on social episodes is summarized. The following four problem areas were addressed: (1) descriptions of episode domains, and subcultural, group and individual differences in episode perceptions; (2) the determinants of episode representations; (3) cognitive and affective consequences of episode representations; and (4) the applications of research on social episodes. Some links between research on social episodes and other issues in social cognition are discussed, and the future prospects of this branch of inquiry are considered.

Attributions of responsibility for outcomes in typical life dilemmas were studied, as a function of the actors' risky or cautious decisions, and success or failure outcomes. Subjects (N=133) read descriptions of eight modified life dilemmas based on Kogan and Wallach's (1964) questionnaire, each concluded by a paragraph describing the risky/cautious decision made by the actor and the success/failure outcome. Subjects provided judgements about (a) the responsibility of the actor; (b) the locus of causality in terms of Weiner's (1974) four categories (ability, effort, task difficulty, luck); (c) their perception of the actor; and (d) the situation confronting him. Results indicated that risky decisions led to significantly more responsibility being attributed to the actor. Judgements on all of Weiner's (1974) causal categories, except luck, were significantly affected by the actor's riskiness. Success or failure only affected attributions to effort. There was no significant interaction between these two factors, which is interpreted as supporting a rational, cognitive model of responsibility attributions. These results confirm the important role information about risk taking plays in everyday attributions of responsibility, and further work exploring the role of this cue in "naive" attributions of responsibility is proposed.

The explanations people give for wealth, or financial success, are not only of considerable political importance, but also offer an opportunity to assess some of the implications of attribution theory in a real‐lie setting. In the present study, 324 subjects from all walks of life and a variety of socioeconomic and demographic backgrounds were asked to anonymously complete an extensive questionnaire assessing their (a) free response explanations of the most common sources of wealth, (b) estimates of necessary income levels for “wealth” and “a decent life,” and (c) attribution judgments for likely causes of wealth in five target categories of people. The target categories were manipulated in terms of social class and ethnicity, to include native born and migrant, and middle‐ and working‐class characters, as well as attributions to an unspecified other. Results showed that judges used four major attributional categories in explaining wealth (external‐social, internal/individual, family background, and luck‐risk factors), and that both the target persons' class and ethnicity significantly influenced the attribution strategies used. In addition, the judges' socioeconomic background, demographic position, and voting preferences also significantly affected preferred attributions and estimates of income levels. These results are discussed in terms of the role of social, political, and ideological factors in everyday explanations, and their implications for some assumptions of attribution research are considered.

Implicit cognitive representations of 20 salient political personalities (10 domestic, 10 foreign) were studied in two samples (N1= 121; N2= 129) over a 1‐year interval. The aim of the study was to elaborate multidimensional models of voting preference by (a) representing the cognitive dimensions used by subjects in perceiving politicians, (b) contrasting perceptions of domestic and foreign leaders, (c) evaluating the effects of time, and (d) assessing individual differences between subjects on political perception. Judgments were analyzed by Carroll and Chang's (1970) Individual Differences Multidimensional Scaling (INDSCAL) procedure. Results showed that three implicit dimensions, evaluation, ideology, and leadershipqualities, underlied perceptions of both domestic and foreign politicians. There were greater changes in perceptions of foreign and left‐of‐center leaders over the year than in judgments of domestic and right‐of‐center leaders; and individual differences such as attitudes, personality, and cognitive style were also significantly related to cognitive representations of politicians. Results were discussed in terms of their implications for predictive models of voting behavior, and the use of these methods in large‐scale political surveys and polls is suggested.