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Many definitions of degrowth highlight that the corresponding great and deep transformations are going to be "designed," "planned," and "democratic." However, critical issues of democratic planning have only recently begun to be discussed. Considering a range of aspects of the technical and social division of labor, the article first revisits some of the main issues of market vis-à-vis planned resource allocation in capitalist and socialist economic growth contexts. It then zooms in on goals, characteristics, and likely issues of division of labor and resource allocation in planned degrowth circumstances. I argue that degrowth societies could use three measures to reduce the complexity of the division of labor that undermined socialist planning attempts. First, degrowth societies could immediately phase out the "excess sector" of production. Second, they could develop, under consideration of their institutional national traditions, pragmatic mixes of ex ante planning (assisted by digital solutions) of the "essential" economic sector and ex post or market regulation of the "in-between" sector. Finally, a parsimonious use of digital tools is likely to be helpful in connecting different scales of governance and associated planning activities (local, national, regional, global). To democratically legitimize planning goals and processes without overburdening people, pathways may be sought that emphasize value over formal rationality, or general planning principles and strategies over concrete targets and tasks. Democratic legitimacy could further increase through a complementation of representative democracy through deliberative instruments such as citizen forums or assemblies as well as applications of the subsidiarity principle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American administration is beset by critics on all sides. A conservative Supreme Court majority is skeptical of administration's democratic legitimacy. Meanwhile, a rising chorus on the left criticizes agencies for inadequate consideration of public perspectives. These critics claim that agency proceedings should be more "democratic," offering greater opportunity for robust public engagement. One area in which these calls are particularly pointed is energy regulation. Energy administration is formal, adversarial, and complex. At the same time, its subject matter is of high salience for individuals and communities concerned about the climate crisis and energy equity. This Article argues that enthusiasm for "democratic administration" should be tempered by a little realism, especially in areas like energy regulation. History teaches that while modest efforts to expand administrative participation can succeed, more ambitious reforms generally falter. The reasons for this, the Article suggests, are the inevitable trade-offs between expanded public engagement and other core administrative law values such as effectiveness, expertise, and non-arbitrariness. Using energy administration as a case study, the Article surveys federal and state agency responses to the call for more robust participation. It concludes that these efforts are unlikely to achieve advocates' most ambitious goals. Instead, this Article proposes less romantic but more promising paths forward. First, attention could be re-focused on legislative change. Second, institutional structures for representation of particular interests could be enhanced. Finally, deliberative bodies of stakeholders outside of specific regulatory proceedings could be established to amplify the public's voice in administration without creating significant tension with other administrative law values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the Foucauldian analysis of the linkage between temporality and politics, addressing mainly two loci of Foucault's production: the assessment of the post-WWII ordoliberal experience in The Birth of Biopolitics and the Iran reportage for "Corriere Della Sera". The article emphasizes the relevance of Foucault's assessment of ordoliberal Germany for contemporary studies on neoliberalism and inscribes Foucault in a wider tradition of thought on the relevance of history and temporality for the comprehension of political dynamics. In TBoB, Foucault offered a prescient analysis of neoliberal temporality and its de-politicizing effects. In his view, ordoliberal theorists and politicians sought to ground political legitimacy in the economy itself, giving birth to a political-economic "double circuit" which did away with history and made political consensus "permanent" and automatic. The connection between neoliberalism, the restructuring of state sovereignty, and temporality will be highlighted. Furthermore, by analyzing the almost-coeval Iranian reportages and the eulogy for Clavel, the article further investigates Foucault's reflection on the link between temporality, politics, and subjectivation processes. If the analysis of ordoliberal temporality in TBoB describes a linkage between de-temporalization and depoliticization, the reportages will be highlighted as a possible "pars construens" - as a way to reinstate the possibility of political action through the appeal to different ways to experience temporality. The article concludes that Foucault's sparse comments on temporality can be read as an attempt, albeit not fully developed, not only to envision the de-politicizing effects of marketization but also to envisage new, re-politicizing modes of experiencing temporality and history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the purpose of evidence law? The answer might seem intuitive. Evidence law exists, of course, to foster verdict accuracy, legitimacy, and efficiency. But these kindred aims often come into conflict. Policy tradeoffs are inescapable in evidence law, meaning that an evidentiary regime must clarify how its normative objectives cohere. Do accuracy, legitimacy, and efficiency work together on equal footing, such that the goal of a code is to maximize each objective to the extent possible? Or does one of evidence law's aims take precedence over the rest? And if one goal takes priority, what is the role of the subordinate policy objectives? These questions loom over all of evidence law. They establish order for an evidentiary regime and serve as the North Star for its substantive contents. Yet these are the very questions that the Federal Rules of Evidence simply ignore. The code fails to elucidate a normative equilibrium among its policy pursuits. And the resulting incoherence has predictable costs. The Federal Rules emphasize verdict accuracy with one set of rules, only to undermine accuracy with another. The code prioritizes legitimacy at certain junctures, but risks substantial illegitimacy elsewhere. The Federal Rules increasingly prove empirically unsound and culturally problematic, yet garner no urgent response from rule makers. Taken together, this collective incoherence has caused the Federal Rules to chronically underachieve their policy goals. This Article therefore seeks to remedy evidence law's faulty conceptual foundation. It introduces two optimization frameworks that bring order to evidence law, cohering our evidentiary regime's policy objectives and bringing existential clarity to the field. Even beyond those theoretical benefits, the optimization models also provide a roadmap for extensive tangible improvements. The models leave no stone unturned as they channel evidence law to its optimum, excising underperforming rules and aligning the Federal Rules with modern cultural norms and scientific understandings. And ultimately, that substantial reform is both the product, and the promise, of a coherent evidentiary regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research study aims to enhance our comprehension of organizational legitimacy in rural settings. While many researchers have examined how organizations acquire, manage, and leverage legitimacy in urban ventures, there is still a lack of consensus on the role of different types of legitimacy in rural ventures. This paper distinguishes between two types of legitimacy, political and market legitimacy, and utilizes ANOVA to identify variations in these types of legitimacy based on venture factors such as the leader's education and the venture's age. Our findings suggest that rural ventures tend to have stronger market legitimacy than political legitimacy, and that younger ventures exhibit stronger market legitimacy compared to older ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tiempos Modernos is the property of Tiempos Modernos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research study aims to enhance our comprehension of organizational legitimacy in rural settings. While many researchers have examined how organizations acquire, manage, and leverage legitimacy in urban ventures, there is still a lack of consensus on the role of different types of legitimacy in rural ventures. This paper distinguishes between two types of legitimacy, political and market legitimacy, and utilizes ANOVA to identify variations in these types of legitimacy based on venture factors such as the leader's education and the venture's age. Our findings suggest that rural ventures tend to have stronger market legitimacy than political legitimacy, and that younger ventures exhibit stronger market legitimacy compared to older ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Love v Commonwealth; Thoms v Commonwealth (2020) 270 CLR 152 has been celebrated as recognising the special relationship of First Nations to this continent now known as Australia, with the effect that First Peoples cannot be deported in circumstances where they are not Australian citizens. While some have argued the High Court's decision represents an implied recognition of First Nations sovereignties, this article argues that the Court has effectively denied First Nations sovereignties, and that this denial is inconsistent with United Nations human rights bodies calls for colonial courts to give full and fair consideration to First Nations' sovereignties. This article concludes that the judicial denial of First Nations sovereignty raises questions about the legitimacy of state sovereignty, which can only be remedied through treaties. The challenge for judicial officers is to imagine a time when the common law, "in truth had always recognised" First Nations sovereignties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the relationship between law and power in the production of EU legitimacy. It argues that in order to account for specific challenges to EU legitimacy such as populism, a historical sociology approach is needed. After discussing this approach in the first part, this article highlights how law can play a role in processes of decivilization. In the last part, I apply this approach to the use of constitutional arguments in the debates around the Maastricht Treaty in France and Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the effectiveness of election observation missions in the Crown Dependencies and Overseas Territories, emphasizing their impact on legitimization and advocacy within small, non-sovereign jurisdictions. Topics include legitimation through international observation, advocacy for democratic reforms, and challenges unique to small, non-sovereign jurisdictions.

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"The New Authoritarians: Convergence on the Right" by David Renton delves into the evolution of the political right in the twenty-first century, highlighting the convergence of mainstream conservatism with the far right. Renton argues that this alliance, witnessed in events like the election of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and the success of the Bharatiya Janata Party in India, is a strategic partnership for political legitimacy and policy concessions. Through case studies on Brexit, Trump's Republican Party takeover, and the French National Front under Marine Le Pen, Renton illustrates the ideological linkages driving this convergence. The book also offers practical suggestions for challenging the rise of the far right, emphasizing the global impact of this political shift. [Extracted from the article]

This paper examines the relationship between policy compliance, the emergence of alternate epistemes and authorities in online spaces, and the decline of trust and legitimacy in democratic institutions. Drawing on insights from public policy, regulation theory, and political theory, the paper critically engages with scholarship on "policy-takers" to illuminate the tensions of compliance and legitimacy in liberal states. It proposes a compliance--legitimacy matrix that identifies the features of policy compliance--including consent, legitimacy, expertise, and trust--and their relationship to the disaggregation of policy knowledge. The article applies this framework to a case study of social media posts that respond to policy information during the management of the Covid-19 pandemic in Australia. Through analysis of these posts, the study reveals the distrust in "the science" and experts advocated by government and the calls from skeptic groups for noncompliance with public health measures. The paper argues that public policy faces an epistemic crisis of public confidence, with significant downstream consequences for compliance with public policy initiatives that has been brought on both by the failures of states to cultivate trust in science and the government. The compliance--legitimacy matrix offers a useful tool for policymakers to anticipate and address objections from policy-takers and to preempt and diffuse their fears. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Fostering legitimate authority has become a priority of the international peacebuilding and development community, notably in fragile states and conflict-affected settings. Yet, how peacebuilding and development interventions feed into legitimation practices of public authorities remains underexplored, let alone how interveners can strategize on this. Analysis of programs to support land registration in Northern Uganda brings out how interventions not just enhance the legitimacy of targeted authorities. Often unintentionally, they impact on struggles for legitimacy between different state and nonstate authorities and change their relative legitimacy. They do so by redistributing land governance roles and responsibilities; stimulating certain practices of land governance; and contributing to the discussion on legitimacy assessments. The conclusion argues for more sensitivity to legitimation effects of peacebuilding and development interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian war of aggression against Ukraine poses an enormous challenge also for the crisis-tested European Union (EU). The analysis of the impact on its institutional structures shows that so far there has been no radical transformation of the EU, but that its institutions have expanded on flexible mechanisms developed in previous crises. Intergovernmental-executive dominance continued, with the European Council and the European Commission at the centre of decision-making, while the European Parliament remained largely at the margins. In the long term, the promise of EU membership for Ukraine and the revival of accession processes with the countries of the Western Balkan open up the prospect of a broader transformation; in the short term, immediate constitutional debates were avoided even after the Conference on the Future of Europe. The structures of the EU have proven flexible in crisis management, yet long-term reforms are necessary to ensure the democratic legitimacy and capacity to act of a potentially enlarged EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Homicide rates vary dramatically both between and within countries. Income inequality is the best established correlate of this variability, but many other possible contributors to the variance have been proposed. The most influential of these appears to be the availability of impartial third-party dispute resolution, which obviates the need for "self-help" justice. The "legitimacy" of government and its institutions is a closely related variable that has also been championed as a determinant of homicide's prevalence. These and other candidate predictors are not independent of one another, and the regression methods that have dominated the field are inadequate for capturing the complex reality of multiple correlated predictors, bidirectional effects, feedback loops, and lagged influences of the "independent" variables on one another and on homicide itself. New, interdisciplinary systems models that incorporate the interplay between the "macro-social" variables favored by criminologists and the grievances that motivate violent offenders are now required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including history of the Senate in Chile since 1811 to 2018; prerogatives the representation egalitarian of the units of the federation and social theory on legitimacy and obedience.

Copyright of GWP: Gesellschaft Wirtschaft Politik is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

People with disability are an at-risk group in the COVID-19 pandemic for a range of clinical and socioeconomic reasons. In recognition of this, Australians with disability and those who work with them were prioritized in access to vaccination, but the vaccination targets were not met. In this paper, we analyze qualitative data generated from a survey with 368 disability support workers to identify drivers of COVID-19 vaccination hesitancy and why the implementation of this policy may have experienced challenges. We identify a range of themes within these data but ultimately argue that a major driver of vaccine hesitancy in this group is a mistrust of government and an erosion of employment terms and conditions. Drawing on the policy capacity literature, we argue that the "Achilles' heel" for the Australian government in this case is the critical policy capacity of political legitimacy. This finding has important implications for where the government needs to increase/build policy capacity, strengthening its efforts and better relating to organizations that can be helpful in terms of developing public health messaging for disability support workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does e-participation generate more democratic legitimacy in the context of the German Energiewende through more input and procedural justice, better outputs and environmental outcomes that are accepted by the public? In recent years, many forms of e-participation have emerged, and space for experiments with visual and interactive technologies has been created. However, research evaluating e-participation technologies in energy transitions is lacking. This study uses interviews with 33 stakeholders in a planned wind farm project, combined with online survey results, to derive empirical insights into attitudes towards and preferences for e-participation. On the one hand, we observe openness towards new options for creative input and visualization-based online tools and virtual realities. On the other hand, stakeholders fear vulnerabilities and are skeptical about the efficacy of online discourse. Institutional stakeholders primarily see risks in civic participation, while citizens themselves see the benefits. Unexploited potential for creative input, deliberation, and collaborative planning could be leveraged to increase democratic legitimacy. In this context, better outputs are not synonymous with accepting outcomes, but can include changes to or even rejection of plans based on public preferences and concerns. This potential remains largely untapped, however, and requires a willingness to participate, thus calling for mobilization strategies. • Empirical results on e-participation in wind energy planning reveal more limitations than opportunities for citizens and stakeholders. • Based on stakeholder interviews we analyze fundamental understandings, experiences and aspirations for e-participation. • Officials primarily see risks in civic participation, while citizens see the benefits. • Polarization in renewable energy discourses complicates participation, straining common procedures, with low potential for e-participation. • We find constraints in advanced e-participation but see potential in balanced low-level info strategies and modest high-level collaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How climate change is framed within CAs is critical for both the democratic legitimacy and transformative potential of CAs. Narrow technical frames can exclude valid perspectives and policy options and close down debate on broader systemic and potentially more transformative issues. Conversely, such 'system-supporting' framings may yield more specific and applicable policy recommendations, increasing the likelihood of implementation. In this study, we present a framework and approach to analyse framings in climate assemblies. We apply this framework to examine the evidence provided to a German, a UK and a Global citizen assembly. Our analysis suggests that despite differences in scale, remit and commissioning bodies, evidence in these three assemblies had a similar range of framings. General evidence most frequently incorporated frames related to safety, governance, and fairness. Although all assemblies incorporated some degree of system-challenging frames, many of them were used little. Topic-specific evidence on energy in both the German and UK assemblies almost exclusively used energy technologies frames, potentially at the expense of critical perspectives. Interestingly, we did not observe major differences in the amount of system-challenging frames used between the assemblies commissioned by civil society actors and those commissioned by parliament; however, we observed some differences in the way some frames were used. We propose that integrating system-challenging frames with actionable steps could enhance the transformative potential of future assemblies. Our framework can be used to study how the framing of evidence influences deliberations and outcomes and to assess assemblies' claims to provide balanced information. • We distinguish 'system-challenging frames' from 'system-supporting frames' and suggest that they perform impact differently." • Evidence framing in the UK, German and Global assemblies was somewhat similar despite their different types of commissioners. • Most common frames included safety, governance and fairness in the general evidence. • Within the topic-specific evidence on energy a narrow range of frames was used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article presents the discussion on contradicting the sexual slavery interpretation. Topics include serving to fill a crucial gap preventing the historical denialist community from obtaining the legitimacy; and Jinhee Lee the idea of organizing a special issue focusing on critically evaluating Ramseyer's article and paper through a special issue of a journal.

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Supporters of reproductive rights and of queer rights may sometimes live in harmony with advocates for religious exemptions. But sometimes these goals conflict. This Article explores this tension as a matter of liberal democratic theory and U.S. constitutional law, offering a case for seeing a robust pluralism as contained within a proper understanding of the liberal democratic state. The state's claimed authority may be the starting point, but just as the modern state was born in decentralized religious toleration, so should the modern state accommodate religious and other views of the good that compete with the state's own views. The Article sets forth a conception of the proper agnostic approach of the modern liberal state and explains how there is a distinctive case for accommodating religious belief. The Article also takes a wider lens to the problem, describing a case against political obligation and legitimacy and for acknowledging multiple possible sources of authority, and showing how the pairing of the two buttresses claims for accommodation from general law. In the final Part, the Article addresses types of harm to the body politic that may outweigh substantial burdens on religious practice, focusing on protection of equality in public accommodations law. The Article also explores issues presented by religious groups that wish to live apart from the rest of the community. While the state should accommodate such groups to the extent possible, liberal pluralism demands that when members choose to remain in the group, the decision is knowing and voluntary. The Article concludes that there is no "tragic loss" when the state accommodates, or fails to accommodate, a person or group following their own comprehensive conception of the good. Accommodation often reflects appropriate toleration of, and perhaps even respect for, the dissenting person or group, while insistence on uniform application of law may reflect core conditions such dissenters must accept, conditions that help buttress their own (often religious) liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Over the last two decades, the Moroccan state has had to deal with some deeply uncomfortable knowledge regarding mounting water scarcity. This presents governing actors with a difficult dilemma. On the one hand, this knowledge is politically disturbing as it could undermine prevailing hydro-agricultural policies, which are based on the promise of unlimited irrigation expansion. It could also corrode the dominant social alliance built around these policies. On the other hand, accurately quantifying water resources has long been essential for establishing the technocratic legitimacy of the state. This paper investigates how the state manages uncomfortable numbers that it has either produced or endorsed: an issue rarely addressed by social studies of quantification, but increasingly consequential in the current ecological crisis. Drawing from a literature on the production of ignorance, we highlight contradictory processes of knowledge production and ignorance. We show that Moroccan state hydrologists have dealt with uncomfortable figures by keeping them fragmented in space and time. They have continued to produce innumerable measurements of water scarcity. However, they have done so in an increasingly scattered manner, both spatially and temporally, while studiously avoiding integrating these fragments into updated national estimates. This uneasy compromise between "seeing" and "not seeing" like a State has so far helped reproduce the "modernizing" social alliance forged around large hydraulic projects. However, its durability is doubtful. Our case study thus raises a number of hypotheses about what the ecological crisis could do to state quantification in many places and in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the People's Republic of China (PRC), the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has remained stable despite frequent popular protests. Focusing on environmental protests, we attempt to explain how the CCP has utilized domestic news media to deal with protests and ensure regime stability. We chose five major protests against Para-Xylene (PX) and analyzed all of the People's Daily Online (PDO) articles thereon since 2007. From the Hu Jintao to Xi Jinping governments, PDO's collective portrayal of the anti-PX protests has dramatically changed from a symbol of democratic progress to an impediment to national industrialization and social stability. The systematically orchestrated media framing demonstrates that, instead of indiscriminately suppressing information on protests, the party has deliberately chosen when and what to permit and what images to project onto the protests. This article provides new insights into the CCP's media strategy for popular protest and sheds light on how China's authoritarian regime has maintained political legitimacy and social stability despite a considerable level of public discontent and deepening political oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Media transparency is a long-discussed term. It has been conceptualized as an evolving professional value, a political issue, and a regulatory challenge. In the disinformed digital age, became a rescue criterion to rebuild a credible relationship with the public based on trustworthiness. The concept is broadly discursively constructed as a key element of media pluralism but faces great variability across media systems, regulatory frameworks, and journalistic cultures. In Portugal, media companies are required to post annually detailed financial and ownership information on the Digital Transparency Platform. The Media Regulatory Authority (ERC) makes the data public through the Transparency Portal and partially integrates it into its annual regulatory reports. The Portuguese case stands out in a European space deprived of established transnational standards to assess media transparency. This article attempts to examine the effectiveness and impact of the Portuguese regulatory framework. The evidence is the Portuguese initiative ensures access to relevant data but provides political legitimacy to a narrowed version of media transparency, confined to assumptions of soft accountability. The main argument is that enhancing effective media transparency requires a multi-actor approach and a sound articulation of regulatory policies with a clear focus on impact and dissemination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an enduring discord among academic and political pundits over the state of modern American government, with much focus on the ever-expanding host of federal agencies and their increasing regulatory, investigative, enforcement, and adjudicatory authority. The growing conglomerate of federal agencies, often unfavorably regarded as the "administrative state," has invited decades of debate over the validity and proper scope of this current mode of government. Advocates for and against the administrative state are numerous, with most making traditional constitutional arguments to justify or delegitimize the current establishment. Others make philosophical, moral, or practical arguments in support or opposition. Though some contest it, the administrative state faces a crisis of legitimacy. This article addresses what is described here as the "Approval Defense," an argument that justifies the administrative state on grounds that, even if unconstitutional, all three branches of federal government and the public have subsequently approved of our modern form of government, so it is legitimate on that basis. In essence, the Approval Defense's claim of legitimacy is one of ratification. Using similar agency law principles, this article seeks to demonstrate the flaws with a justification based on ratification and show that until there has been an adequate explanation of its lawful basis, the administrative state's legitimacy crisis will simply not go to its grave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Past research critiqued transition management for its lack of democratic legitimacy. • Responses were unsatisfactory either adapting practices or rejecting critiques. • Presents a legitimacy framework to position transition management. • Comparative empirical research applies the framework in six European cities. • Proposes the framework as a tool to address tensions in later phases of transition. From early on, reflexive governance approaches have been problematised for lacking explicit consideration of formal governance and decision-making structures. Developed over two decades ago, transition management is not an exception; it has been specifically critiqued for being democratically illegitimate and depoliticising issues. Contributing to these debates, this article develops a legitimacy framework for understanding how transition management practices can be legitimised within liberal democratic structures, while safeguarding their transformative potential, or, 'radical core', while navigating innovation capture. This framework guides a comparative analysis of six European cities, who employ transition management practices for developing decarbonisation roadmaps towards 2050. We discuss the emphasis on liberal democratic norms, the fuzziness of practices of participation and the closing down of policy options. We recommend the legitimacy framework to be used as a heuristic for reflexive governance, tool for explicating the conditionality of 'radicality' in transition management, and guide for designing accountability governance structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing a sociological perspective on the law, this study explores instances of resistance against the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights, the African Union's continental human rights judicial body. This approach allows us to examine different forms of resistance that might not necessarily be of a legal character, but which may still have profound implications for the Court's authority, legitimacy, and operation. Accordingly, the article identifies two forms of resistance against the African Court: 'pushback' and 'backlash'. The former refers to an ordinary form of critique directed against the overall development of an international court, while the latter is understood as an extraordinary form of critique that puts the fundamental authority of a court at stake. While pushback was mainly seen in the early stages of the Court's establishment, backlash started to emerge following its ground-breaking judgments that caused heated debates on controversial topics. This article concludes that based on the identified and analysed forms of resistance, it is doubtful that the African Court can maintain and fulfil the purpose for which it was established: the protection and promotion of human rights in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tyler (2006 [1990]) theorises that perceptions of the legitimacy of a legal authority mediate the influence of fairness on individuals' compliance with the law. We apply Tyler's theory to the tax context to further our understanding of the association between taxpayers' fairness perceptions and compliance. We consider both distributive and procedural fairness. Our experimental results, using data from 389 American taxpayers, suggest that distributive fairness and procedural fairness encourage taxpayers' compliance, and that these fairness effects are additive. Furthermore, we find that perception of legitimacy mediates the relation between each type of fairness and compliance, and, by so doing, increases taxpayers' propensity to pay their taxes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alfonso the Magnanimous (1394-1458) became king of southern Italy in 1443, celebrating a spectacular Triumph. At his court, he gathered around himself the most important intellectuals of the time, from various places, who completely reworked his political consensus building strategies, adapting them to the new ruler’s imperial image. The king’s legitimacy strategies followed multiple paths (possession of virtues and dynastic inheritance), on various levels (rational, traditional and charismatic). The result was the invention of ‘Monarchical Humanism’, a type of Humanism whose salient characteristics were innovative, alternative and totally opposed to, but certainly no less important than, those of the ‘Civil Humanism’ developing elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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