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The catastrophic ascension of the Europeans to the stage of world history entailed the launching of a race war against Africans, which is still raging to this day. This race war is multifaceted; however, its ultimate objective is the racial extermination of the Africans. In the interim period before the racial extermination of Africans, the Europeans have chosen to embark on a cruel project to "falsify African consciousness". This falsification is achieved through a process of culturicide. By the latter, we imply a form of "intellectual warfare" waged by the Europeans to confuse Africans, especially their most gifted members, about their African identity and culture to serve global white supremacy. The integrationist "double-consciousness" of the New Negros in America and the "New Africans" in South Africa is the highest stage of this intellectual warfare. The latter has resulted in the emergence of integrationist double-consciousness (which accepts whites and seeks to coexist with them) among the black elite, like Dubois, and revolutionary double-consciousness (which rejects both whites and white supremacy) among ordinary Africans both in America and South Africa. Using African phenomenological framework, this paper will argue that the integrationist double-consciousness of the black elite must be abandoned and replaced with the revolutionary double-consciousness of ordinary Africans such as Garveyites and amaqaba. This is in order to destroy whites and global white supremacy and to restore the African world-order premised on the principles of Maat as in ancient Kemet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a review of the book "These Potatoes Look Like Humans: The Contested Future of Land, Home and Death in South Africa" by uMbuso weNkosi. The book explores the historical injustice of land dispossession in South Africa and its connection to African spirituality. It focuses on the case study of Bethal, a white-owned farm where African laborers were exploited and killed. The book discusses the relationship between land, violence, and the law, highlighting the dehumanizing conditions faced by African workers and the denial of their humanity even in death. The review praises the well-structured and coherent chapters of the book, making it a worthwhile read for those interested in the topic. [Extracted from the article]

Scholarship on Garveyism as a form of Afrikan philosophy of liberation is scarce in South African politics and history. Robert Edgar and Robert Vinson have laid the foundation for scholarship on the influence of the Garvey movement in South Africa. However, their scholarship does not delve into political philosophy as a component of Afrikan philosophy, especially the national-ideological tradition. This paper will rely on historical research design to discuss the political philosophy of Anton Lembede, who was influenced by Garveyism to formulate his political philosophy of Afrikanism. This paper will utilise the historical analytical framework to provide a brief intellectual portrait of Lembede to substantiate the argument that his political philosophy of Afrikanism was influenced by Garveyism. Because this paper is about the Black Radical Tradition in South Africa, it will depart from the fundamental premise that a radical indigenous tradition of resistance preceded the arrival of Garveyism in South Africa. The main objective of the paper is to delineate this indigenous radical tradition, which we call the Indigenous Fundamentalist Tradition. The second objective is to show that this resistance tradition was infused with Garveyism upon its arrival to lay the foundation for Lembede's Afrikanism as an expression of the Black Radical Tradition in South Africa. The main argument is that Lembede's political philosophy of Afrikanism is a combination of the indigenous radical tradition of resistance against conquest since 1652 and Garveyism through the battle cry of Afrika for the Afrikans. This regalvanisation encapsulates the combined impact of Garveyism, Lembede's Afrikanism, and the Black Radical Tradition as the Afrikan masses were radicalised and became more militant in confronting white supremacy and white settler colonialism in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]