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The article discusses the geopolitical turmoil and politics in the Middle East. Topics discussed include the religious conflict for power of different countries in Middle East, the economy and politics of the countries including Iran, Turkey and Israel, and the efforts of the Europe, Russia and U.S. to resolve the geopolitical crisis in the Middle East.

The article discusses the geopolitical turmoil and politics in the Middle East. Topics discussed include the religious conflict for power of different countries in Middle East, the economy and politics of the countries including Iran, Turkey and Israel, and the efforts of the Europe, Russia and U.S. to resolve the geopolitical crisis in the Middle East.

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The analysis of constitutive coordinates of some subregions from the muslim geopolitical space, divided into subsystems, will be achieved in a differentiated manner, appealing to the term "regional subsystem". This notion will be approached as a microsystemic entity with projection on its complex and interdependent character of relations among states. The content of this research will not reflect the historical and evolutionary aspects of geopolitical subsystems in Middle East; it will be focused on regional subsystems marked by socio-political and economic transformations with impact on regional security. The article will analyze the assumptions of distinguished researchers who contributed to substantiate the hypotheses on peculiarities of subsystems, based on the idea that the international subsystems are the groups of units within the international system, distinguished from the rest through their particular nature and intensity of interactions or interdependence, as well as subordinate systems. It also aims to identify the differences on various criteria within the international system and regional subsystems. This approach represents a scientific platform to launch new concepts in order to provide a solid theoretical support to research the peculiarities of regional subsystems. Defining in general the term "regional subsystem" represents an entity of a complex and interdependent microsystem of relations among states. In the context of the realities from the Middle East states, the subsystems from highlighted spaces will be analyzed on political and conceptual axis, supporting the idea that the Middle East system is not based on geographical and historical criteria, but it is an applied political concept, reflecting the strategic interests of great powers. The current theoretical framework is not well founded in that it does not explain the analytical blurring of the concepts parameters with reference to "regional subsystem". This notion is divided on geographical, economic and geopolitical criteria, which not always coincides or often overlap. This change too rapid over time. This theoretical basis represents an extended framework for finalizing of the defining of the terms "subregion", "subsystem" and "regional subsystem" in a generally valid manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the revolutionary fifth historical wave of the Greater Middle East (GME) whose upheavals are changing the political regimes of the region. Topics discussed include the breakdowns in Syria, Libya and Iraq wherein the governments have been overthrown by Islamist insurgents, the mass demonstration movements of the Arab Spring in December 2010, and political developments and changes.

The Gulf Cooperation Council, founded in 1981 by Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, does not focus on economic, political or military cooperation. Instead, the GCC was established as a symbolic organisation of unity against the ideational threat from anti-monarchical Iranian and Iraqi ideologies. The Arab uprisings pose a new dire ideational threat: popular protests toppling authoritarian leaders. As I analyse in three case studies, the GCC does not reflect a united stance amongst its members and has become a symbol of discord. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Review of International Law & Politics / Uluslararasi Hukuk ve Politika is the property of International Strategic Research Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the different social and political views of Middle Easterners, which is influenced by their culture. It explores the three social relations tenets of Middle Easterners such as to trust their own kin, siding with closer, and reluctance to state. It says that their tribal culture highly values freedom and autonomy, which conflicts with states' method to gain wealth. Moreover, their surface culture responses to circumstances that they are facing in shorter or longer periods.

This section reviews several articles related to American diplomacy that appeared in various publications, including "Where in the World Are We" by Joseph Nye, "Trump Angst Pours in from Overseas Governments" by Julian Hattem and Megan R. Wilson, and "Under the Lime Trees" by Uri Avnery.

The concept of an Islamic republic is a very popular concept in the Middle East and in regard of the immense legitimising effect Islam can muster in conservative Islamic societies, it is possible that we will have to face more Islamic republics in the future. Although there is great concern regarding the spread of the concept in the West, literature is scarce on the question which specific aspects render a republic an Islamic republic. In this essay this question is examined by a comparative analysis of the Iranian and the Afghan Constitution. In order to examine the consequences of the establishment of an Islamic republic for universal human rights as they are established in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and both UN Human Rights Covenants, these consequences are classified into three categories. First there are consequences which are positive in regard to human rights. These are mainly social rights and the respective state obligations, for instance the obligation to create social justice, which is a prominent feature of Islam. These aspects seem to contribute most to the popularity of the concept in the Middle East. The second category of consequences is formed by regulations which are in a clear breach of international human rights, such as discriminations against followers of non-Islamic beliefs. The third category of regulations is composed of such provisions which potentially may infringe international human rights depending on the interpretation of Islamic law. The establishment of Islam as the state religion and the guarantee of the conformity of legislation with Islamic criteria can be classified into this category of regulations. A comparison of the two constitutions under these categories demonstrates that social rights are featured very prominently in the Iranian Constitution. However, the two Constitutions most decisively differ in regard to the third category of consequences since the Afghan Constitution gives the protection of human rights a high priority which is virtually unknown in other constitutions of the regions. This might facilitate the protection of human rights in cases in which there is conflict between the Islamic law and human rights. The Iranian Constitution on the other hand unconditionally clarifies that in cases of conflict Islamic law prevails. Additionally, the Afghan Constitution gives the directly elected representatives of the Afghan people the power to influence the interpretation of Islam decisively, since the judges of the Supreme Court who are competent to review the compatibility of the legislation with Islamic criteria are appointed by the elected President of the Republic with the consent of the Lower House of Parliament. In contrast, in Iran this competence rests with the religious scholars of the Guardian Council, who are appointed by the Religious Leader whose term of office is neither restricted nor is he elected directly by the people. The outcome of the analysis is that although the concept of an Islamic Republic is problematic in regard to international human rights, there are rights which are supported by the principle, namely social and educational rights. Moreover, as the analysis of the two constitutions reveals, there are decisive differences in regard to the protection of human rights. While the Afghan Constitution which gives a prominent role to human rights is very positive and should be regarded as a model for the region, the Iranian Constitution is much more problematic. Hence, what is decisive are the concrete constitutional regulations and guarantees of human rights in particular in case of conflict with Islamic law and only to a much lesser extent the decision whether a republic is referred to as an Islamic republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the narrative strategies that shape Maalouf's rewriting of the history of the Crusades, examines why considerations of the problems inherent to the historiographical act are relegated to the background, and how Maalouf links his text to politics contemporary to its writing. I argue that while Maalouf brilliantly deconstructs the Western image of the Crusades as a heroic time by documenting the barbarity of the Crusaders without falling into the pitfall of simply inverting the terms of the dichotomy, the agenda driving his rewriting of this historical period leads him to partially repeat what his book is supposed to undo, witness the erasure of women in a book whose goal is to unearth a neglected perspective. Moreover, I contend that while most of the book painstakingly details the power play between and among the Crusaders and the Arabs that debunks the ideology of clash of religions and civilizations, the very brief epilogue, which draws parallels between the past and contemporary Middle Eastern politics but omits to mention key events of the nineteenth and twentieth century, tends to fall back in the very essentialism that the main narrative opposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a list of articles and books related to the politics and economics of the Middle East.

The article reports an overview of the happenings in Baghdad. This paper focuses on a publication from the "Asia Times," which emphasizes on the Bush administration and the plans set for the Middle East. In Iraq, various websites report on the planned break up of Iraq into three Shi'ite mini states putting Baghdad as the central seat of government. This would replicate the extreme right-wing Israeli plan to balkanize the whole Middle East as viewed to be a perpetual Arab disunity. More immediate worries on politics in Baghdad are analyzed.

Belief systems help states sustain authority by legitimizing the commands of rulers. Once authority is legitimized in the minds of those over whom it is exercised, those who obey do so in part out of a willingness to sacrifice other interests to do what they regard as right. States able to establish their commands as legitimate can extract resources efficiently, but not as efficiently as when their authority to do so is established hegemonically. Hegemonic authority is construed by the ruled population as a natural part of life, prompting habitual compliance rather than obedience based on contingent judgments of right and wrong. This essay summarizes a theory of hegemony developed from Antonio Gramsci to reduce the confusion that usually attends studies of nationalism. The usefulness of the theory is illustrated by applying it to the changing role of nationalism and religion in Middle Eastern politics [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses about the geopolitical aspects of Kurdistan. According to the article, Kurdistan has played a significant geopolitical role in Southwest Asia ever since. This was due to their land's physical factors and strategic location wherein Kurdish territories are situated on border regions of several states. Its geopolitical position has been marked and greatly affected by Perso-Ottoman relations, political aspirations of Russia, Great Britain and several other countries in Europe, its partition to several states such as Iran, Iraq, Syria, Turkey and Russia, the rise and fall of communism in the Soviet Union, as well as the increased importance of Kurdish oil and Kurdish nationalism.

The article offers information on the role played by the Kurds in Middle Eastern politics. An author argued that by reason of their location and population this group of people have always played an essential role in the political structure of the Middle East. It is also mentioned that internal Kurdish divisions are the culprits for the retarded national development of these people. The fact is the Kurds have remained divided by primordial, linguistic, tribal, and religious differences. It is also forwarded that some observers implicitly blame the Kurds for the social conflicts in the Middle East.

The article offers literary criticism of the book "Etats et sociétés de l'Orient Arabe en quête d'avenir, 1945-2005," edited by Gérard D. Khoury and Nadine Méouchy. Topics include the changes in political structure in the Middle East, political constructions and terminology of the region, and the methodology of the work.