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This study, based partly on archival research, tackles a number of interrelated issues regarding the sociolinguistic dynamics of language politics in Sri Lanka from the colonial era to the present. In colonial Ceylon, such politics initially manifested as resistance against foreign elements, but later evolved into internal conflicts when majoritarian Sinhala-focused linguistic purism movements appropriated Sinhala as a national identity marker. The resulting civil war until 2009 indicated that misguided prospects of linguistic purism in the name of ethnic nationalism have been a costly mistake for this small state, threatening to tear the nation apart. Regarding more recent issues of language planning and policy reforms, which also concern the place of English, the focus turns specifically to the rapid digitalisation of communication and related impacts of global virtual language environments. These substantially reduce the significance of any specific language or local vernacular, while individual and group identity is strengthened through inclusive use of linguistic registers within multilingual digital spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Urban History Review / Revue d'Histoire Urbaine is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents a qualitative analysis of a sample of discourses on status and language acquisition planning in the Principality of Andorra. After a presentation of the demographic and legal contexts of languages in Andorra, as well as the qualitative research methods carried out, the results of the study are presented. Among the most relevant, it is worth highlighting the perception of Catalan as a language whose use is not widespread despite being the only official language of the country. This phenomenon is even observed in language uses in public administration. The other important result is the need to implement better strategies to encourage migrant people to learn Catalan. According to participants in the fieldwork, the State should put more effort into making Catalan the common language of the whole society because this will contribute to the country's nation-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nation-building, governance, security and national development are inextricably linked social issues. Failure to effectively midwife any of these concepts has the tendency to jeopardise efforts aimed at achieving nation-building. Over time, Nigeria's quest for nation-building has been impeded by the centrifugal forces of political, economic, food and health insecurity. These elements have made the task of nation-building a mirage in Nigeria as these centrifugal forces continue to deepen the fragmented Nigerian society. It is against this backdrop that this article examines nation-building as a herculean task whose success rests heavily on pragmatic approaches to sustainable governance, security and national development. The article notes that nations are built by men and women who have the will and vision to accomplish greatness, not for themselves and their immediate families and friends, but for their country. Observably, the lack of this will and vision, encapsulated in leadership deficiencies, continues to haunt nation-building efforts in Nigeria. Anchored on integration theory as a framework of analysis and descriptive research methodology, data for the article were gathered through secondary sources including journal articles, books and internet materials and content- analysed. The article makes useful recommendations on devising useful strategies for resolving the challenges to security, governance and development issues in Nigeria through a reformed leadership recruitment process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TribalCrit permits the recognition of colonization as pervasive in our American society impacting all aspects of our societal structures, including the educational system. Forced boarding schools for Native learners touted the goal of “Kill the Indian, Save the Man” as the mission of education in the United States, leaving an indelible strain between Native learners and the US educational system. Research from Native American scholars offers classroom instructional practices and strategies that support inclusive experiences based on truth and acknowledgment of racial and political liminal spaces. Implementing these strategies begins with informed lesson planning to ensure engagement in the instructional core between teacher, student, and content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the implementation and perception of red roofs in the context of Palestine-Israel, this paper examines how it turned into a symbol of settlercolonialism. Conducting a genealogical analysis of the use, and avoidance, of using this architectural element, this paper explains how it constantly shifted from one side to another, starting as an urban Palestinian component in the late nineteenth century, turning into a sign of Zionism, and then becoming Palestinian once again by the early 2000s. Using the framework of schismogenesis, that is, the act of self-definition through differentiation, this paper first challenges the common conception of the red roof as a foreign colonial element and shows how its appropriation and reappropriation were an integral part of national narratives. Therefore, more than asking whether red roofs are colonial or not, this paper asks when they became perceived as such, examining the consistent inconsistency of nation-building processes and their relationship to architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many European countries, geography was regarded as an important 'imperial science' in the late 19th century, and influential geographical societies contributed to the empire-building efforts. The Hungarian Geographical Society, however, was more connected to a nation-building mission in the decades after its foundation (1872), and seeking recognition of Hungary among the European nations had always been a priority of the society. Imperial thinking became more prevalent around the turn of the century, but even then, Hungarian geographers emphasised the special Hungarian interests that were different from the geopolitical aims of the Austrian part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. This paper examines the Hungarian Geographical Society in international comparative context. The Hungarian society belonged to the middle-sized geographical societies in terms of its membership, income, and financial reliance on state subsidies, which corresponded the semi-peripheral position of Hungary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Études Inuit Studies is the property of Centre interuniversitaire d'etudes et de recherches autochtones (CIERA) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Études Inuit Studies is the property of Centre interuniversitaire d'etudes et de recherches autochtones (CIERA) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The architectural conservation movement began in China during an era of transformation. In the period from 1840 to 1966, i.e., the end of the Qing Dynasty to the initial 17 years of the People's Republic of China, China changed its regime twice times, from the feudal Qing dynasty to the Republic of China (ROC) and then to the People's Republic of China (PRC). In of the past regime changes usually led to the complete demolition of historic buildings and cities by successive authorities. However, both the Kuomintang Party (the ruling party of ROC) and the Communist Party of China (the ruling party of PRC) chose to protect historic buildings and cities, as they considered architectural conservation helpful for nation-building. Their actions encouraged the generation of architectural conservation in China. The paper reviews the development of architectural conservation in China. It introduces the conservation policies of the KMT and CPC authorities and discusses how the government-led conservation policies impacted the development of the Chinese conservation movement. The paper provides an example from China reflective of the political influences on conservation practice in a global context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Indian democracy, reservation policy is one of the major tools to reaffirm and develop right to equality as guaranteed, by the Constitution, to all the citizens of India and, in a way, to uplift the weaker and deprived sections of the society. But, due to its wrong interpretation and implementation in the present scenario, it is continuously creating a new type of disadvantaged and disheartened group in Indian society. Hence, the research paper tries to explore poetic expressions of a few contemporary Hindi poets for understanding the present form of reservation policy and its resultant effects on nation-building and nation-branding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates public readings in late Imperial Russia, which became both an official and popular educational practice following the establishment of the Standing Commission of Public Readings by the State Ministry of Public Enlightenment in 1872. Public readings, done by an authorized person who would read aloud useful and entertaining texts in front of an audience, represent a significant democratization of the practice of reading. The content of such readings, both textual and visual, was heavily controlled by the state authorities which inevitably led to the shaping of a very specific addressee, the so-called common reader, whose official image was supposed to reflect the ordinary citizen, and is emblematic of the complex problem of nation-building in Russian history. The study enquires how the visual context of public readings contributed to the general image of the common reader. The article examines the representation of the common reader in the media of the time, the limitations imposed by the censorship and strategic choices of images for the magic lantern slides to illustrate the public readings. It provides a deeper perspective on the figure of the common reader, which became an ideological construct of importance for both domestic and foreign policy. • History of reading. • Magic lantern. • Late imperial Russia. • Public readings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan, and the subsequent collapse of the Western-backed Afghan government in August 2021, raised doubts in the United States and abroad about the limits and credibility of American power. For some observers, the situation seemed to parallel the fall of the South Vietnamese regime in April 1975. Given the comparisons being drawn between Saigon and Kabul, this brief paper examines a series of Canadian diplomatic reports produced in the wake of the events in South Vietnam. Addressing the question of how reliable the United States was as an ally, the conclusions drawn in these reports should give some pause to doomsaying about US security commitments. Although the contemporary situation differs from that of the mid-1970s, Canadian observers recognized that American power rested on a firm foundation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a comparative characteristic of the nationally motivated ethnocultural concepts of the 19th century, based on the interpretation of Siberian peoples' history. Finnish nationalism was looking for the ancestral home of the Finns in Altai and tried to connect them with the Turkic-Mongol states of antiquity and the Middle Ages. Under the influence of the cultural and historical theories of regional experts, the Siberian national discourse itself began to form, which was especially clearly manifested in the example of the genesis of Altai nationalism. Russian great-power nationalism sought to make Slavic history more ancient and connected it with the prestigious Scythian culture. If we rely on the well-known periodization of the development of the national movement of M. Khrokh, then in the theory of the Finns' Altai origin, we can distinguish features characteristic of phase "B," when the cultural capital of nationalism gradually turns into political. In turn, the historical research of the regional specialists illustrates the earliest stage in the emergence of the national movement, the period of nationalism not only without a nation but also without national intellectuals. The oblasts are forming the very national environment, which does not yet have the means for its own expression, but it obviously contains separatist potential. At the same time, both the Finnish and Siberian patriots, with their scientific research, solved the same ideological task—to include the objects of their research in the world cultural and historical context, to achieve recognition of their right to a place among European nations. However, Florinsky's theory, performing the function of the official propaganda, is an example of the manifestation of state unifying nationalism, with imperial connotations characteristics of Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Creating a new capital city is a critical decision, yet it has happened across the globe and across the years. Due to various reasons, capital cities were created and transformed their countries and affected their overall worldwide presence. This paper derives a comparison between the capital of Kazakhstan, Astana and the new Egyptian Administrative Capital that is currently under construction. This review article showed that despite the differences, similarities can be pointed out in relation to political, social, and economic aspects. The results figured out that both capitals are major initiatives for nation-building as well as regional and economic development. The authors conclude from the similarities between the two capital cities' approaches that Egypt's new administrative capital can follow the well-off steps of Astana aside from the contextual differences and challenges that should not be underestimated. The authors also derive a set of elements that create a significant capital city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is widely acknowledged that mega-sporting events play a powerful role in nationbuilding in their host countries, and many scholars have empirically demonstrated this relationship. The 2010 South Africa FIFA World Cup provided a potent vehicle through which national unity and integration could be successfully promoted. However, more recent Brazilian experiences in the 2014 FIFA World Cup and the 2016 Olympics proved that an identical outcome is not always the case. This study examines how the hosting of mega-sporting events in South Africa and Brazil yielded contrasting effects on nation-building. Events in these two countries are compared to explore how two analogous societies that hosted mega-sporting events at a similar time ultimately experienced completely different outcomes. It is argued that differences in the cost of these mega-events, different economic circumstances and, differences in the characteristics and impact of social movements in the two countries were major contributing factors to the divergence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the "cool Kazakh wave," i.e. the recent development of high-quality Kazakh-language music and television in Kazakhstan. Historically, the quality of Kazakh-language content has lagged behind its Russian-language counterpart, given its low budget and predominantly ethnic/national (i.e.Kazakh) themes, which many youths, its primary consumers, find unrelatable. As a result, several domestic channels prefer Russian-language shows and music, many of them not domestically produced, in a challenge to the political policies of Kazakhization. Here, however, I contend that this state of affairs is slowly changing thanks to the "cool Kazakh wave," most evidently with the emergence of the genre of Q-Pop (and its most famous musical act, Ninety One) and Korean-drama-inspired series such as Bir toqsan, both of which are of notably higher quality than their predecessors. They also, however, largely eschew discussion of "national" topics and feature more relatable content and authentic Kazakh dialogue, consequently encouraging greater consumption of Kazakh-language media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Croatian Journal of Education / Hrvatski Časopis za Odgoj i Obrazovanje is the property of Uciteljski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian Journal of Education / Hrvatski Časopis za Odgoj i Obrazovanje is the property of Uciteljski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian Journal of Education / Hrvatski Časopis za Odgoj i Obrazovanje is the property of Uciteljski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian Journal of Education / Hrvatski Časopis za Odgoj i Obrazovanje is the property of Uciteljski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian Journal of Education / Hrvatski Časopis za Odgoj i Obrazovanje is the property of Uciteljski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian Journal of Education / Hrvatski Časopis za Odgoj i Obrazovanje is the property of Uciteljski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian Journal of Education / Hrvatski Časopis za Odgoj i Obrazovanje is the property of Uciteljski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Croatian Journal of Education / Hrvatski Časopis za Odgoj i Obrazovanje is the property of Uciteljski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigated the impact of perceptions of ethnicity and tribalism on public administration in South Africa with reference to the protests of Vuwani communities in 2016 against their area being re-demarcated to fall under the LIM 345 municipality (later named the Collins Chabane Local Municipality) dominated by Xitsonga speakers. The study adopted qualitative and exploration designs and used a literature review and key informant interviews in order to obtain secondary and primary data respectively. This study revealed that Vuwani communities feared domination by the Xitsongaspeaking majority in the proposed new municipality. The council of the proposed new municipality consisted of 72 councillors, 74 per cent of which were Xitsonga-speaking councillors and a mere 26 per cent were Tshivendaspeaking councillors. It also found that perceptions of ethnicity and tribalism in Vuwani had rendered public administration ineffective, thus bringing service delivery to a halt for several months. The study recommended that policy-makers should abolish majority representation based solely on regionalism and should seek to forge national unity. It concluded that the establishment of public institutions based on ethnic homogeneity had the potential of bringing about peace and stability in areas characterised by ethnic disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kazakhstan's model of ethnic management is often classified as a typical example of national identity-building. Kazakhstani politicians and media, however, prefer to refer to it as their unique third way. The article attempts to disprove both these claims. It argues that Kazakhstan merely uses two different ethnic management approaches—national identity-building and hegemonic exchange. The article tests this hypothesis by conducting a comparative analysis of various theoretical approaches to ethnic management and applying them to Kazakhstan. Furthermore, it explains what this dual approach means in terms of operationality by outlining the key challenges the model faces. The final section of the article summarizes its findings and provides recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Facta Universitatis: Series Philosophy, Sociology, Psychology & History is the property of University of Nis, Serbia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Internasjonal Politikk is the property of Cappelen Damm Akademisk and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The ethnonym Türk have been used in modern nation-building processes among the Turkic speaking peoples of Eurasia in the 20th–21th centuries. The cases of Turkey, the plan of a Turkic Republic in Central Asia in the 1920s and after the fall of the Sovietunion the latest Kazak, Tatar and Uyghur historiography demonstrate its historical importance. The study focuses on the meanings of Türk in the runic inscriptions of the Türk Khaganate (6th–8th centuries). Its first denotation is an ethnic community or nationality, i.e. a nomadic tribal confederation which can be described as using the model of gens, including the common origin, traditions and language with centuries long stabile political framework and the majority of society belonged to same customary law. The political aspect of the usage of the term Türk referred to all peoples subjected to the power of the Türk Khagan. After the fall of the Türk Khaganate both meanings faded away due to the lack of political stability which is a key factor in the history of Eurasian steppe. It means that there is not ethnic continuity from the Middle Ages. The fragments of Türk identity may survived in the forms of language community; Islamic legend of descent with the heros eponymos and nomadic way of life as opposed to the territorial principles of settled civilisations. These elements could be used to rebuild modern Turkic speaking nations in Eurasia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on documentary analysis, this article argues that lessons of violent conflicts are rarely appropriated positively for nation-building in the context of post-conflict African societies. The article further stresses that the reasons often projected as causes of ineffective nation-building, such as multiple ethnicity and neo-colonialism, are unjustifiably projected as causal factors. It argues that diverse ethnicity remains a dormant destructive force until operationalised for political gains through misappropriation and deployment of collective memories. In the African context, post-conflict societies adopt the mixed approach of selective amnesia which emphasises amnesty, reconciliation, rehabilitation and reintegration as necessary for nation-building. Experience, however, suggests that the operationalisation of this approach is always marred by inconsistencies and repression. Consequently, repressive mechanisms suppress violence and achieve relative stability. True reconciliation which is critical for nation-building is never achieved. Among loser ethnic groups (hereafter loser groups), resistance to selective amnesia and simultaneous preoccupation with collective memory of victimisation, discrimination and injustice continue to reinforce sentiments of group exceptionality and separatist impulses rather than national consciousness. Therefore, cautious expression of citizenship among segments of the loser groups continues to attract mutual suspicion and distrust from leadership of post-conflict states. It is concluded that the challenge of social contradictions in post-conflict societies is serious because neither the state nor loser groups positively deploy memory of conflict for nation-building. A new reconciliatory approach drawn largely from lessons of history is recommended for post-conflict nation-building efforts in post-conflict African states. Positive appropriation and deployment of memory for nation-building ensures amnesty and restoration without repercussions; and remembrance without resentment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the experience of the community of Serb-Catholics living in Dubrovnik in the early twentieth century. It is based primarily on an investigation of the literary and cultural periodical Srdj (1902–08). This study focuses, firstly, on the conceptual ambivalence resulting from efforts to apply linguistic criteria to determine Serbian identity and, secondly, on the efforts to construct a mental map that would serve projections of Serbian symbolic territory. While the presence of the Serb-Catholic milieu in the city was short-lived (from the mid-nineteenth century to the First World War), it nevertheless left traces on the urban landscape that typified the ambivalent formation of national identity along religious lines, as Croatians were associated with Catholicism and Serbs with Orthodoxy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on a large body of knowledge presented as an initial draft for the 'Case for Sport' that was prepared in collaboration with Sport and Recreation South Africa, which is in the process of being finalised. Selected research evidence builds the 'case' by showing the significance of sport-related impacts and effects within five domains, namely: nation-building and social cohesion, addressing various aspects of social transformation, health-related benefits, positive educational outcomes and economic benefits. The substantiation of such benefits contribute to the argument of the significance of sport (in the broad sense) in the post-Apartheid South African context (post 1994). The findings support global, regional and national sport-related effects at multiple levels and span different sectors of influence. Main arguments take cognisance of the complexity and contextual realities, and present critical reflections as not to over-estimate the positive effects or uncritical acceptance of findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the aim of exploring in detail Serbia's modern nation-building, this paper reveals and examines three stages in the relationship between the state and the Church. Their interaction was first observed in the late-1980s, when the Church leadership began to interfere in the state affairs, offering religious solutions to a wide range of national issues. Following the collapse of Serbian society during the 1990s, the Church has become an ideology supplement to the state-driven national project. As such, the Church was embraced by the state authorities, and after the fall of Milošević in 2000, nationalism continued to exponentially increase in Serbia. Following the assassination of the Prime Minister Zoran Ðinđić in 2003, the Church emerged as the key factor of nation building, thus substituting the disoriented state structures. A significant part of our conclusions are based on primary quantitative sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between the state and the market has undergone significant change in many nations over the last half-century and Australia is an instructive example of this change, with neoliberal economic reforms governing much of Australia's recent economic development. Nation-building policies after World War II included the provision of land settlement options for returned servicemen. A detailed case study of one of these settlements, that of Goolhi in New South Wales, Australia provides a telling account of the lived experience of the effects of neoliberal economic reform in Australia within the agricultural sector, and more specifically of the deregulation of the Australian Wheat Board. Whilst having been established as a direct result of nation-building policies, the community at Goolhi was effectively dismantled through the deep restructure of the sector brought about through the state's intensifying neoliberal stance. This research demonstrates both the sociological and subjective effects of the experience of the changing role of the state, particularly the experience of new burdens in a ‘free’ market. This small-scale and in-depth study provides a detailed empirical case study of a community that sits at the intersection of outcomes of deeply changed policy orientations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the contemporary prominence of cartoonists and stand-up comedians in South Africa, woefully little scholarship exists on the history of South African humour. In the 1990s and into the twenty-first century, humour has been a key medium through which 'South African-ness' has been represented - perhaps most successfully and controversially in the comedy films of Leon Schuster. This article demonstrates the value of further inquiry into humour history by comparing Schuster's lucrative films Mr. Bones and There's a Zulu On My Stoep to the work of Stephen Black, a journalist and playwright of the early Union Period (1910s-1920s), whose humorous works use strikingly similar tactics to represent the nation amid a much earlier - and sorely neglected - nation-building effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the contemporary prominence of cartoonists and stand-up comedians in South Africa, woefully little scholarship exists on the history of South African humour. In the 1990s and into the twenty-first century, humour has been a key medium through which 'South African-ness' has been represented -- perhaps most successfully and controversially in the comedy films of Leon Schuster. This article demonstrates the value of further inquiry into humour history by comparing Schuster's lucrative films Mr. Bones and There's a Zulu On My Stoep to the work of Stephen Black, a journalist and playwright of the early Union Period (1910s-1920s), whose humorous works use strikingly similar tactics to represent the nation amid a much earlier -- and sorely neglected -- nation-building effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the grand narratives of the history of Bangladesh's birth, women's wartime experiences and their contributions have been pushed to the periphery to institutionalise male monopoly on the annals of war. Even the voices of those who had been sexually violated have been silenced. Only a line or two can be found in the official stereotypical grand narrative of the Liberation War about their sacrifice. In this paper, analysing the personal narratives of Maya and Piya, the two central characters in Tahmima Anam's The Good Muslim (2011), I argue that although war mobilises women to be politically active, in the aftermath of war they are relegated to a subordinate status. Additionally, analysing Maya's reversal of roles from an active participant to a reproductive agent, I reiterate that female and male participation in nation-building is regulated by socially constructed ideas of masculinity and femininity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After independence in the early 1960s, new nation states in sub-Saharan Africa started a long and often ambiguous process of nation-building. This process of nation-building was also literally a process of building as the newly independent states initiated large-scale building projects by which they aspired to represent their power in the urban space, as well as break with the material legacies of the colonial past. Yet, even though the new regimes strived for new norms and forms to express their identity as new and independent Africans states, because of a lack of expertise and funds, they mostly commissioned foreign architects within the framework of development programs, thereby clearly mirroring colonial practices. This article retraces the intricate web of foreign development experts and networks of aid underpinning the ‘architecture of nation-building’ in two post–independence capital cities: Kinshasa (DRCongo) and Dodoma (Tanzania). This comparative analysis brings to the fore the various motives behind the foreign investments in the African nation-building projects in an era dominated by Cold War antagonism, as well as the diverse strategies deployed by African states to turn the competing networks of Cold War solidarity to their own advantage. Considering the vast reliance on development aid, I argue that the ‘architecture of nation-building’ in Kinshasa and Dodoma is not primarily representing national identity, but is foremost an expression of the new ‘partnerships in development’ concluded in the post-independence years, as well as the failure of these partnerships in terms of achieving the initial development goals. Moreover, bearing in mind China’s role in the implementation, I state that while the ‘architecture of nation-building’ in both cities clearly represents the regime of development aid, it does so in a way that profoundly differs from what was originally intended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since the time of its emergence in the late 19th century, Korean feminism had close ties with the development of nationalism, which initially opposed the political conservatism of the Joseon Dynasty and later opposed the aggressive colonial regime that hampered the establishment of a nation-state. After liberation from the Japanese colonialism, Korean feminism developed within as pro-government, nationalistic ideology (conservative groups), and as the movement for democratization (progressists). The inextricable link between nationalism and feminism led to the creation of diversity of feminist concepts and views on the nature of women's liberation, which equally, though differently, was comprised by Korean nationalists. The liberalization of South Korean politics and economy at the end of 1980s - early 1990s resulted in the emergence of postmodern feminism, which raised essentially new issues of women's development such as the elimination of domestic violence against women, protection of rights of sexual minorities, elimination of discrimination against women in the labor market, etc. Thus, the evolution of Korean feminist ideology reflects the significant challenges of national development in the nation-building process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role ascribed to A.I. Arwidsson (1791-1858) in the canon of Finnish "national heroes," which emerged in the 19th century as an important part of the Finnish nation-building process. At this time, there was a high demand for individuals who could serve as symbolic models for the young nation, which through the geopolitical upheaval caused by the Russo-Swedish War of 1808-09 had been transformed from being an integral part of the Swedish realm into an autonomous Grand Duchy in the Russian Empire. Arwidsson "earned" his place among Finnish national heroes through his work to highlight the history of the Finns, and for his (failed) attempts to "awaken" the Finnish nation from its slumbering state in the 1820s. His provocative writings and his criticism of the authorities resulted in him being relegated from the University of Turku in 1822, and in 1823 he moved to Sweden and became a Swedish subject. In Stockholm he worked at the Royal Library, where he was appointed director in 1843. Contemporary national needs to a large extent offer an explanation for how Arwidsson's character and works were described -- and how his memory was materialized in history culture. As Finno-Russian relations deteriorated from the 1850s onwards, there was a demand for an individual who had displayed courage with regard to challenging the authorities in the past, and who could even be regarded as a national martyr, having been "forced" to move from Finland in 1823. In the writings of the late 19th century, Arwidsson is usually depicted as a young, fierce and radical individual, despite his own assertion that he had turned considerably more conservative with age. There is also a great focus on his rather short period as an active and radical publicist in the 1820s, whereas his career in Sweden, which covered 35 years, has resulted in little to no interest. This shows how the national paradigm skews reality and answers the specific needs of the nation and of the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a case study of a newly opened exhibition at one of the most significant lieux de mémoire in Norway, the historic house museum Eidsvoll House. Eidsvoll House has, since 1814, played a key role in Norwegian state-and nation-building narratives and continues to do so today. The article explores the tenacity of national narratives by investigating the role museums play in contemporary nation-building processes. It particularly looks at attempts to integrate domestic servants into this dominant and controlling narrative, and investigates the complex relationship between social history, national narratives and museum communication strategies. It problematizes the exhibition strategy, popular at historic houses, of recreating the past at a specific juncture of time and argues that such an approach might help to reaffirm social hierarchies. On a more general level, the article aims to contribute to a productive exchange between academic and museum approaches to history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how mass demonstrations can be used for nation-building purposes. In particular, it shows how, in this digital and discorporate era, the occupation of the streets by large numbers of people is still a powerful strategic communication tool with strong political implications. It reveals how traditional propaganda, mass media campaigns and grassroots lobbying organisations can work together with great effectiveness to effect political change. The Catalan case, which concerns the claim by the regional Catalan government of a referendum for independence, shows how the occupation of the streets by citizens can still be highly relevant for political change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]