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Der Aufstieg oder Wiederaufstieg revisionistischer, repressiver und autoritärer Mächte bedroht die westliche, von den USA garantierte internationale Ordnung, die den Aufstieg und die Sicherheit der Bundesrepublik Deutschland nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg gewährleistet hat. Zu einem Zeitpunkt, an dem Chinas Aufstieg in Asien die USA zunehmend in Anspruch nimmt (ein Krieg zwischen China und den USA ist nicht auszuschließen), muss Europa in der Lage sein, sich im Rahmen der NATO gegen eine konventionelle Aggression Russlands weitgehend allein zu verteidigen. Dabei sind substanzielle Beiträge Deutschlands unersetzlich. Jahre der Vernachlässigung und strukturellen Unterfinanzierung haben jedoch die deutschen Streitkräfte geschwächt. Die politische Führung in Berlin tut sich schwer, diese neue Lage zu akzeptieren, und die Dringlichkeit einer Neuausrichtung der deutschen Verteidigungspolitik anzuerkennen.

Der Aufstieg oder Wiederaufstieg revisionistischer, repressiver und autoritärer Mächte bedroht die westliche, durch die USA garantierte internationale Ordnung, die den Aufstieg und die Sicherheit der Bundesrepublik Deutschlands nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg gewährleistet hat. Zu einem Zeitpunkt, wo die USA zunehmend durch den Aufstieg Chinas in Asien absorbiert sind (wobei ein Krieg zwischen China und den USA nicht ausgeschlossen werden kann), muss Europa in der Lage sein, sich im Rahmen der NATO gegen eine konventionelle Aggression Russlands weitgehend alleine zu verteidigen. Dabei sind substantielle Beiträge Deutschlands unersetzlich. Jahre der Vernachlässigung und der strukturellen Unterfinanzierung haben jedoch die deutschen Streitkräfte ausgehöhlt. Die politische Führung in Berlin tut sich schwer, diese neue Lage und die Dringlichkeit einer Neuausrichtung der deutschen Verteidigungspolitik zu akzeptieren.

Das Ende der Ära Merkel erzeugt strategischen Denkraum, um die unausgesprochene Spaltung des Westens von innen zu überwinden. Es gilt, die strategische Bewertung Chinas als zentralen Herausforderer Amerikas so zu begreifen, dass ein Krieg zwischen beiden unweigerlich signifikanten Einfluss auf Amerikas Abschreckungsfähigkeit in Europa hat. Und dass Amerika bereits im Vorfeld – zur Schwächung Chinas – ein Rapprochement mit Russland eingeht. Die europäische Antwort besteht in deutsch-französischer Nuklearabschreckung als Break Out-Option innerhalb der NATO, sofern es in Ostasien zum Krieg kommt. The coming end of Merkel’s tenure in power provides an opening for strategic thinking. Observing an interregnumin world politics, China needs to be regarded as America’s most significant great power rival by the latter’s NATO partners. As the possibility of a war between China and America cannot be ruled out, US capabilities, conventional and nuclear, may be stretched. Thus, America could well reach for a rapprochement with Russia to weaken China. Europe should consider a new model of German-French nuclear deterrence, designed as a break-out option withinNATO in case of an East Asian war.

Many Western and non-Western scholars consider the 2008 financial crisis a fundamental caesura, precipitating a decentred globalism. However, they have neither conceptualized the foundations of the dynamics that developed before this caesura nor have they theorized the amalgamating process which ultimately merged the hitherto overlooked and the formerly predominant Western forces and actors. Addressing this deficit, this article presents two innovations. First, it re-conceptualizes the 1970s by integrating two macro-developments: China’s deviation from patterns of the former Third World’s development and the thickening of liberal politico-economic institutions. Their relationship was complementary, but independent, since heterogeneous purposes drove these strands. Neither was disrupted by the end of bipolarity. Thereby, this article offers the first narrative of the years 1970–2008, viewing them as the incubation period of both strands’ simultaneous development before their fusion in ‘decentred globalism’. Consequently, the 1970s supersede International Relations (IR’s) hegemonic benchmark date of 1989–1991. Second, the article accounts for the merging of macro-developments. It argues that, despite regularities, international social life is characterized by heterogeneous purposes derived from different social contexts, reflecting an environment that operates in multidirectional ways. Large trends in the environment, such as those of the 1970s, may coincide at contingent points in time (e.g., 2008). Based on comprehensive reviews of distinct literatures, these two innovations emerge as the key building blocks for the development of a theory of benchmark dates for a ‘decentred’ global order.

‘Without doubt, this is the right book at exactly the right time! Despite COVID's media predominance, the dangers to our freedom have not simply faded away; quite the opposite. With their novel analysis piercing through the layers of Germany's strategic wavering, Giegerich and Terhalle demonstrate precisely that. For anyone aiming at taking over executive responsibility for Berlin's foreign and security policy after the federal elections in September 2021, this is a must-read.’Friedrich Merz, Member of the German Bundestag (1994-2009), Chief Whip and Minority Leader (2000-02) and member of the CDU/CSU Government Team for the 2021 federal elections‘This is an in-depth study of a crucial topic. Well-argued and well-researched, this book offers an original take on a timely and important subject with broad implications for the future of European and transatlantic security.’Dr Benedetta Berti, Head of Policy Planning, Office of the Secretary-General, NATOThe rise or resurgence of revisionist, repressive and authoritarian powers threatens the Western, US-led international order upon which Germany's post-war security and prosperity were founded. With Washington increasingly focused on China's rise in Asia, Europe must be able to defend itself against Russia, and will depend upon German military capabilities to do so. Years of neglect and structural underfunding, however, have hollowed out Germany's armed forces. Much of the political leadership in Berlin has not yet adjusted to new realities or appreciated the urgency with which it needs to do so.In this Adelphi book, Bastian Giegerich and Maximilian Terhalle argue that Germany's current strategic culture is inadequate. It informs a security policy that fails to meet contemporary strategic challenges, thereby endangering Berlin's European allies, the Western order and Germany itself. They contend that Germany should embrace its historic responsibility to defend Western liberal values and the Western order that upholds them. Rather than dogmatically reject the use of military force, Germany should wed its commitment to liberal values to an understanding of the role of power - including military power - in international affairs. Giegerich and Terhalle show why Germany should seek to foster a strategic culture that would be compatible with those of other leading Western nations and allow Germans to perceive the world through a strategic lens. In doing so, they also outline possible elements of a new security policy.Dr Bastian Giegerich is Director of Defence and Military Analysis at the IISS. He previously worked for the German Federal Ministry of Defence in research and policy roles and is the author and editor of several books on European security and defence matters.Professor Maximilian Terhalle is affiliated with King's College London. Between 2019 and 2020, he served as Senior Adviser to the UK's Ministry of Defence. Previously, he taught at Columbia and Yale universities' security programmes and undertook field work in China and Egypt. His work focuses on hard security, strategy and world order; he has written or edited seven books and published widely in international newspapers and journals. He is a Lieutenant Colonel (res.) in the Bundeswehr.

‘Without doubt, this is the right book at exactly the right time! Despite COVID's media predominance, the dangers to our freedom have not simply faded away; quite the opposite. With their novel analysis piercing through the layers of Germany's strategic wavering, Giegerich and Terhalle demonstrate precisely that. For anyone aiming at taking over executive responsibility for Berlin's foreign and security policy after the federal elections in September 2021, this is a must-read.’Friedrich Merz, Member of the German Bundestag (1994-2009), Chief Whip and Minority Leader (2000-02) and member of the CDU/CSU Government Team for the 2021 federal elections‘This is an in-depth study of a crucial topic. Well-argued and well-researched, this book offers an original take on a timely and important subject with broad implications for the future of European and transatlantic security.’Dr Benedetta Berti, Head of Policy Planning, Office of the Secretary-General, NATOThe rise or resurgence of revisionist, repressive and authoritarian powers threatens the Western, US-led international order upon which Germany's post-war security and prosperity were founded. With Washington increasingly focused on China's rise in Asia, Europe must be able to defend itself against Russia, and will depend upon German military capabilities to do so. Years of neglect and structural underfunding, however, have hollowed out Germany's armed forces. Much of the political leadership in Berlin has not yet adjusted to new realities or appreciated the urgency with which it needs to do so.In this Adelphi book, Bastian Giegerich and Maximilian Terhalle argue that Germany's current strategic culture is inadequate. It informs a security policy that fails to meet contemporary strategic challenges, thereby endangering Berlin's European allies, the Western order and Germany itself. They contend that Germany should embrace its historic responsibility to defend Western liberal values and the Western order that upholds them. Rather than dogmatically reject the use of military force, Germany should wed its commitment to liberal values to an understanding of the role of power - including military power - in international affairs. Giegerich and Terhalle show why Germany should seek to foster a strategic culture that would be compatible with those of other leading Western nations and allow Germans to perceive the world through a strategic lens. In doing so, they also outline possible elements of a new security policy.Dr Bastian Giegerich is Director of Defence and Military Analysis at the IISS. He previously worked for the German Federal Ministry of Defence in research and policy roles and is the author and editor of several books on European security and defence matters.Professor Maximilian Terhalle is affiliated with King's College London. Between 2019 and 2020, he served as Senior Adviser to the UK's Ministry of Defence. Previously, he taught at Columbia and Yale universities' security programmes and undertook field work in China and Egypt. His work focuses on hard security, strategy and world order; he has written or edited seven books and published widely in international newspapers and journals. He is a Lieutenant Colonel (res.) in the Bundeswehr.

‘Without doubt, this is the right book at exactly the right time! Despite COVID's media predominance, the dangers to our freedom have not simply faded away; quite the opposite. With their novel analysis piercing through the layers of Germany's strategic wavering, Giegerich and Terhalle demonstrate precisely that. For anyone aiming at taking over executive responsibility for Berlin's foreign and security policy after the federal elections in September 2021, this is a must-read.’Friedrich Merz, Member of the German Bundestag (1994-2009), Chief Whip and Minority Leader (2000-02) and member of the CDU/CSU Government Team for the 2021 federal elections‘This is an in-depth study of a crucial topic. Well-argued and well-researched, this book offers an original take on a timely and important subject with broad implications for the future of European and transatlantic security.’Dr Benedetta Berti, Head of Policy Planning, Office of the Secretary-General, NATOThe rise or resurgence of revisionist, repressive and authoritarian powers threatens the Western, US-led international order upon which Germany's post-war security and prosperity were founded. With Washington increasingly focused on China's rise in Asia, Europe must be able to defend itself against Russia, and will depend upon German military capabilities to do so. Years of neglect and structural underfunding, however, have hollowed out Germany's armed forces. Much of the political leadership in Berlin has not yet adjusted to new realities or appreciated the urgency with which it needs to do so.In this Adelphi book, Bastian Giegerich and Maximilian Terhalle argue that Germany's current strategic culture is inadequate. It informs a security policy that fails to meet contemporary strategic challenges, thereby endangering Berlin's European allies, the Western order and Germany itself. They contend that Germany should embrace its historic responsibility to defend Western liberal values and the Western order that upholds them. Rather than dogmatically reject the use of military force, Germany should wed its commitment to liberal values to an understanding of the role of power - including military power - in international affairs. Giegerich and Terhalle show why Germany should seek to foster a strategic culture that would be compatible with those of other leading Western nations and allow Germans to perceive the world through a strategic lens. In doing so, they also outline possible elements of a new security policy.Dr Bastian Giegerich is Director of Defence and Military Analysis at the IISS. He previously worked for the German Federal Ministry of Defence in research and policy roles and is the author and editor of several books on European security and defence matters.Professor Maximilian Terhalle is affiliated with King's College London. Between 2019 and 2020, he served as Senior Adviser to the UK's Ministry of Defence. Previously, he taught at Columbia and Yale universities' security programmes and undertook field work in China and Egypt. His work focuses on hard security, strategy and world order; he has written or edited seven books and published widely in international newspapers and journals. He is a Lieutenant Colonel (res.) in the Bundeswehr.

‘Without doubt, this is the right book at exactly the right time! Despite COVID's media predominance, the dangers to our freedom have not simply faded away; quite the opposite. With their novel analysis piercing through the layers of Germany's strategic wavering, Giegerich and Terhalle demonstrate precisely that. For anyone aiming at taking over executive responsibility for Berlin's foreign and security policy after the federal elections in September 2021, this is a must-read.’Friedrich Merz, Member of the German Bundestag (1994-2009), Chief Whip and Minority Leader (2000-02) and member of the CDU/CSU Government Team for the 2021 federal elections‘This is an in-depth study of a crucial topic. Well-argued and well-researched, this book offers an original take on a timely and important subject with broad implications for the future of European and transatlantic security.’Dr Benedetta Berti, Head of Policy Planning, Office of the Secretary-General, NATOThe rise or resurgence of revisionist, repressive and authoritarian powers threatens the Western, US-led international order upon which Germany's post-war security and prosperity were founded. With Washington increasingly focused on China's rise in Asia, Europe must be able to defend itself against Russia, and will depend upon German military capabilities to do so. Years of neglect and structural underfunding, however, have hollowed out Germany's armed forces. Much of the political leadership in Berlin has not yet adjusted to new realities or appreciated the urgency with which it needs to do so.In this Adelphi book, Bastian Giegerich and Maximilian Terhalle argue that Germany's current strategic culture is inadequate. It informs a security policy that fails to meet contemporary strategic challenges, thereby endangering Berlin's European allies, the Western order and Germany itself. They contend that Germany should embrace its historic responsibility to defend Western liberal values and the Western order that upholds them. Rather than dogmatically reject the use of military force, Germany should wed its commitment to liberal values to an understanding of the role of power - including military power - in international affairs. Giegerich and Terhalle show why Germany should seek to foster a strategic culture that would be compatible with those of other leading Western nations and allow Germans to perceive the world through a strategic lens. In doing so, they also outline possible elements of a new security policy.Dr Bastian Giegerich is Director of Defence and Military Analysis at the IISS. He previously worked for the German Federal Ministry of Defence in research and policy roles and is the author and editor of several books on European security and defence matters.Professor Maximilian Terhalle is affiliated with King's College London. Between 2019 and 2020, he served as Senior Adviser to the UK's Ministry of Defence. Previously, he taught at Columbia and Yale universities' security programmes and undertook field work in China and Egypt. His work focuses on hard security, strategy and world order; he has written or edited seven books and published widely in international newspapers and journals. He is a Lieutenant Colonel (res.) in the Bundeswehr.

‘Without doubt, this is the right book at exactly the right time! Despite COVID's media predominance, the dangers to our freedom have not simply faded away; quite the opposite. With their novel analysis piercing through the layers of Germany's strategic wavering, Giegerich and Terhalle demonstrate precisely that. For anyone aiming at taking over executive responsibility for Berlin's foreign and security policy after the federal elections in September 2021, this is a must-read.’Friedrich Merz, Member of the German Bundestag (1994-2009), Chief Whip and Minority Leader (2000-02) and member of the CDU/CSU Government Team for the 2021 federal elections‘This is an in-depth study of a crucial topic. Well-argued and well-researched, this book offers an original take on a timely and important subject with broad implications for the future of European and transatlantic security.’Dr Benedetta Berti, Head of Policy Planning, Office of the Secretary-General, NATOThe rise or resurgence of revisionist, repressive and authoritarian powers threatens the Western, US-led international order upon which Germany's post-war security and prosperity were founded. With Washington increasingly focused on China's rise in Asia, Europe must be able to defend itself against Russia, and will depend upon German military capabilities to do so. Years of neglect and structural underfunding, however, have hollowed out Germany's armed forces. Much of the political leadership in Berlin has not yet adjusted to new realities or appreciated the urgency with which it needs to do so.In this Adelphi book, Bastian Giegerich and Maximilian Terhalle argue that Germany's current strategic culture is inadequate. It informs a security policy that fails to meet contemporary strategic challenges, thereby endangering Berlin's European allies, the Western order and Germany itself. They contend that Germany should embrace its historic responsibility to defend Western liberal values and the Western order that upholds them. Rather than dogmatically reject the use of military force, Germany should wed its commitment to liberal values to an understanding of the role of power - including military power - in international affairs. Giegerich and Terhalle show why Germany should seek to foster a strategic culture that would be compatible with those of other leading Western nations and allow Germans to perceive the world through a strategic lens. In doing so, they also outline possible elements of a new security policy.Dr Bastian Giegerich is Director of Defence and Military Analysis at the IISS. He previously worked for the German Federal Ministry of Defence in research and policy roles and is the author and editor of several books on European security and defence matters.Professor Maximilian Terhalle is affiliated with King's College London. Between 2019 and 2020, he served as Senior Adviser to the UK's Ministry of Defence. Previously, he taught at Columbia and Yale universities' security programmes and undertook field work in China and Egypt. His work focuses on hard security, strategy and world order; he has written or edited seven books and published widely in international newspapers and journals. He is a Lieutenant Colonel (res.) in the Bundeswehr.

‘Without doubt, this is the right book at exactly the right time! Despite COVID's media predominance, the dangers to our freedom have not simply faded away; quite the opposite. With their novel analysis piercing through the layers of Germany's strategic wavering, Giegerich and Terhalle demonstrate precisely that. For anyone aiming at taking over executive responsibility for Berlin's foreign and security policy after the federal elections in September 2021, this is a must-read.’Friedrich Merz, Member of the German Bundestag (1994-2009), Chief Whip and Minority Leader (2000-02) and member of the CDU/CSU Government Team for the 2021 federal elections‘This is an in-depth study of a crucial topic. Well-argued and well-researched, this book offers an original take on a timely and important subject with broad implications for the future of European and transatlantic security.’Dr Benedetta Berti, Head of Policy Planning, Office of the Secretary-General, NATOThe rise or resurgence of revisionist, repressive and authoritarian powers threatens the Western, US-led international order upon which Germany's post-war security and prosperity were founded. With Washington increasingly focused on China's rise in Asia, Europe must be able to defend itself against Russia, and will depend upon German military capabilities to do so. Years of neglect and structural underfunding, however, have hollowed out Germany's armed forces. Much of the political leadership in Berlin has not yet adjusted to new realities or appreciated the urgency with which it needs to do so.In this Adelphi book, Bastian Giegerich and Maximilian Terhalle argue that Germany's current strategic culture is inadequate. It informs a security policy that fails to meet contemporary strategic challenges, thereby endangering Berlin's European allies, the Western order and Germany itself. They contend that Germany should embrace its historic responsibility to defend Western liberal values and the Western order that upholds them. Rather than dogmatically reject the use of military force, Germany should wed its commitment to liberal values to an understanding of the role of power - including military power - in international affairs. Giegerich and Terhalle show why Germany should seek to foster a strategic culture that would be compatible with those of other leading Western nations and allow Germans to perceive the world through a strategic lens. In doing so, they also outline possible elements of a new security policy.Dr Bastian Giegerich is Director of Defence and Military Analysis at the IISS. He previously worked for the German Federal Ministry of Defence in research and policy roles and is the author and editor of several books on European security and defence matters.Professor Maximilian Terhalle is affiliated with King's College London. Between 2019 and 2020, he served as Senior Adviser to the UK's Ministry of Defence. Previously, he taught at Columbia and Yale universities' security programmes and undertook field work in China and Egypt. His work focuses on hard security, strategy and world order; he has written or edited seven books and published widely in international newspapers and journals. He is a Lieutenant Colonel (res.) in the Bundeswehr.

Als erster Artikel überhaupt führt dieser Aufsatz die in Deutschland vernachlässigte Strategielehre ein. Nach einem Überblick, warum es einen Mangel an Strategielehre gibt, legt der Artikel ihr antagonistisches Verständnis internationaler Politik dar. Internationale Konflikte sind deshalb der Ausgangspunkt für Strategielehre. Aufbauend auf klassischen Einsichten in die Dynamik solcher Konflikte erläutert der Artikel dann die kognitionspsychologischen Grundlagen moderner Strategieforschung, die langfristige Konfliktplanung und Parameter von Top-down-Entscheidungspraktiken als Grundlagen für eine moderne Definition von Strategie betrachtet. Abschließend werden sechs Vorschläge für strategisches Denken in Deutschland skizziert und die Einrichtung eines Internationalen Strategiekollegs am Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin gefordert. The purpose of this article is to introduce the subject of Strategic Studies to Germany. Following an overview of why there has been a longstanding deficit in Strategic Studies, the article outlines the key components of international politics’ antagonistic nature. It is for this reason that international conflicts serve as the starting point for Strategic Studies. Based on classical insights into the dynamics of conflicts, the article lays out the key foundations of modern Strategic Studies with its reliance on the research results in cognitive psychology. It concludes by providing six practical pieces of advice in regard to Germany’s future strategic thinking.

Parteiübergreifend gibt es Forderungen nach einem neuen Praxisverhältnis der deutschen Internationalen Beziehungen (IB) zur praktischen Außenpolitik. Der Beitrag zeigt zunächst, warum dieses Verhältnis heute weithin als Nicht-Verhältnis betrachtet werden muss. Sodann werden die globale Machtverschiebung, die Distanzierung eines Teils des intellektuellen Milieus von der Demokratie und die hohe Zahl an Absolventen, die beruflich keine Hochschulkarriere anstreben, als Gründe für eine notwendige Neuausrichtung dargestellt. Abschließend wird der Begriff Praxisbezug konzeptionell aufgefächert und sieben Vorschläge gemacht, die einer Perpetuierung des Status quo entgegenwirken können. German International Relations (IR) faces demands from the policy world to provide concise input, whereas a clear theory-practice disconnect is evident. However, the articles argues that there are three reasons which demand from IR theorists to re-think this state of affairs: global power shifts, their responsibility vis-à-vis graduates who do not aim to become scholars and the distancing of many scholars from democratic discourses related to global politics. Lastly, the author makes seven innovative suggestions as to how improve the current malaise of the policy disconnect.