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Copyright of Nuova Rivista Storica is the property of Societa Editrice Dante Alighieri s.r.l. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The current study sought to reveal the level of tolerance towards non-Muslims among graduate students in Saudi Arabia. To achieve this goal, the dimensions of tolerance were determined; which are cultural tolerance, religious tolerance, and political tolerance; and a scale was built to measure them. The study used a descriptive analytical method obtaining data from (40) male and female students who were randomly selected from among the students at the College of Education at Imam Abdulrahman bin Faisal University. The results showed that the level of tolerance is average. This may well reflect the dilemma of not spreading and deepening the idea of tolerance among university students. Also, the findings demonstrated that there are no differences between the students due to the variables (gender - academic major) in the level of tolerance. The study recommends the need to enhance the dimensions of tolerance among students and to include them in the preparation programs, to pay attention to activities that help to enhance the dimensions of tolerance, and to spread a culture of tolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the establishment of the first rüşdiyyes in Istanbul in 1847, the Council of Education launched an active policy of spreading their network in the entire territory of the Ottoman Empire. Exploring the process, the article pays attention to the edifices that housed them and the attempts to coeducate Muslims and Non-Muslims. Although its initial endeavors failed, the Council of Education did not hesitate and took every opportunity to promote the rüşdiyyes. The growth of the network was influenced by positive and negative factors, natural disasters and political events. The most important problem that slowed down its development was the difficulty to provide quickly an adequate building. Nevertheless, by January 1876 there was a rüşdiyye in almost two-thirds of all Ottoman administrative centres. Nowadays many of the rüşdiyye edifices have been demolished while modernizing the urban environment. The article is based on documents and newspapers kept in the Sts Cyril and Methodius National Library of Bulgaria, the Istanbul Ottoman Archive, the Library of the Turkish Historical Society, the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Taksim Atatürk Library, and the Library of the Turkiye Diyanet Foundation Centre for Islamic Studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Legislative developments concerning the civic and religious rights of the Christian and Jewish communities in the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century have been examined widely. The focus, however, has been on the developments following the Crimean War, and particularly the Reform Edict (Islahat Fermanı) of 1856 and the role European powers' demands directed at the Ottoman Empire - their wartime ally and the new member of the "Concert of Europe" - played in these developments. This article questions this Eurocentric view by shifting the focus from European pressure as the main moving force behind the changing relations between Christian subjects and the Empire to the domestic dynamics of the Empire by examining the Armenian elite's participation in Ottoman war efforts. It argues that the role the elite played in the borderlands throughout the war period, including provisioning of the army and ensuring the loyalty of local communities, provided them with the political leverage to negotiate and eventually enhance their position in the imperial hierarchy in the years following the war. The article highlights the wartime developments as crucial factors behind political and legislative changes and the construction of the modern Ottoman state in the second half of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contributions to Oriental Philology / Prilozi za Orijentalnu Filologiju is the property of Orijentalni institut and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Indonesia has become one of the countries facing serious criticism on the methods used in the implementation of Islamic law. The Government of Aceh is the only Indonesian province with the delegated authority to legally implement Islamic law. During the first period of establishment, the perpetrators were generally Muslim, but currently non-Muslims can also be potentially treated with Islamic law. For instance, in an Aceh case, a non-Muslim having profession as alcoholic-drinking dealer was punished by the Islamic criminal law. This expanded authority happened because of the judge's interpretations. In some cases, judges can decide whether a non-Muslim can be punished with Islamic law or with other laws. However, realizing not to be punished in some occasion non-Muslim shows off alcoholic-drinking publicly. This action has violated the feelings of the Muslim majority. This fact places the judges in a difficult position, they must enforce the principal of equality before the law, and also protect legal certainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)