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Objective: Image-based sexual abuse (IBSA) is a form of technology-facilitated sexual violence in which intimate photos or videos are nonconsensually taken, shared, and/or threatened to be shared. The shift to fully virtual social interactions during the COVID-19 pandemic facilitated a spike in IBSA victimization during this time, and—with many organizations functioning at limited capacity—survivors had limited resources available to them to manage the distress associated with victimization. The purpose of this study was to understand the coping strategies used by diverse survivors of IBSA during the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States. Method: We conducted structured interviews using a trauma-informed approach. Using codebook thematic analysis, we analyzed the data from 36 survivors of IBSA during the pandemic (Mage = 31.01; two participants did not disclose age). The sample was diverse in terms of genders, races, and sexual orientations represented. Results: We identified five groups of coping strategies employed by participants: avoiding distressing feelings, reputational damage control, retaliatory sextortion, seeking emotional support, and pursuing justice. Many participants used multiple strategies to manage the distress associated with their IBSA victimization. Conclusions: Survivors of IBSA cope with their victimization in diverse ways, some of which have not been previously reported in coping strategies literature and may be unique to the experience of IBSA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined how individual differences in masculine honor beliefs (MHBs) related to third-person perceptions of revenge pornography (i.e., a man distributing nude photos of his ex-girlfriend) in response to a break-up. Consistent with our hypotheses, higher levels of MHBs were associated with higher ratings of the woman as negative, higher levels of victim-blaming the woman, and higher ratings of revenge pornography as justified. Furthermore, participants perceived the woman as more at fault, and the man's behavior as more justified, when she cheated on him prior to his revenge (compared to when she did not cheat). Overall, our results suggest that both higher levels of MHBs and instances of infidelity inspire beliefs that disempower women victims. Our research extends our understanding of how MHBs and situational factors relate to perceptions of revenge pornography, including its justification and the stigmatization of its victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Annals of Criminology is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cyberethics is defined as an appropriate code of online conduct. Non-Cyberethical behaviors are those behaviors engaged in by individuals while online, including, but not limited to, online gambling, revenge pornography, and sexting. Literature documents females as generally being victims of these unethical cyber behaviors, caused by several reasons, but majorly by a lack of awareness. This study seeks to investigate the sources, and awareness of cyberethical behavior among female postgraduate students in universities in North Central Nigeria. The study employed quantitative methodology. All female postgraduate students in North Central Nigeria constituted the target population. Using multistage sampling technique, 989 respondents were selected from 15 universities. A survey instrument was administered, and findings revealed that female postgraduate students were generally lacking in awareness of appropriate cyberbehavior, probably due to the inadequacy of sources through which they could acquire correct knowledge. We recommend that University Administrators put in place policies to allow for correct engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, the higher availability of multimedia content on social websites, together with lightweight deep learning (DL) empowered tools like Generative Adversarial Networks (GANs) has caused the generation of realistic deepfakes. Such fabricated data has the potential to spread disinformation, revenge porn, initiate monetary scams, and can result in adverse immoral and illegal societal issues, etc. Hence, the accurate identification of deepfakes is mandatory to discriminate between real and manipulated content. In this work, we have presented a DL-based approach namely a unified network for FaceSwap (FS) and Face-Reenactment (FR) Deepfakes Detection (AUFF-Net). More clearly, both the spatial and temporal information from the video samples are used to detect two types of visual manipulations i.e., FS and FR. For this reason, a novel DL framework namely the Inception-Swish-ResNet-v2 model is introduced as a feature extractor for computing the information at the spatial level. While the Bi-LSTM model is utilized to measure the temporal information. Additionally, 3 dense layers are included at the last of the model structure to suggest a discriminative group of the feature vector We performed extensive experimentation on a challenging dataset namely the FaceForensic++, and attainede average accuracy values of 99.21 %, and 98.32 % for FS, or FR, respectively. Furthermore, we introduced an explainability module to show the reliable keypoints selection capability of our technique. Moreover, we have performed a cross-dataset evaluation to show the generalization power of our approach. Both the qualitative and quantitative results have confirmed the effectiveness of the suggested approach for visual manipulation categorization under the occurrence of various adversarial attacks. • A novel AUFF-NET model is proposed for FaceSwap, and Face-Reenactment deepfakes detection. • Accurate detection of deepfakes due to the ability of the model to tackle the model over-fitting. • Improved model explainability power due to the reliable feature selection ability of model. • Robust model due to its ability to detect deepfakes in the presence of various adversarial attacks. • Perform well to unseen examples due to the better generalization power of the AUFF-NET model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Image-based abuse (IBA) refers to the non-consensual taking, sharing or threat to share nude or sexual images. Research suggests people who witness IBA behaviours can reduce the extent and impacts of its harm by taking action to intervene. However, there is limited research available on the attitudes, experiences and role of bystanders in the prevention of IBA. This paper presents findings from a national study examining bystanders' experiences of, and responses to, witnessing IBA. Informed by a survey of 245 Australian adults in four jurisdictions, this paper shows that while witnessing IBA is common, few respondents reported taking action to intervene, and there are gender differences in bystander readiness to intervene. The findings have important implications for the development of bystander intervention and education programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyber violence, as a form of domestic violence, has become a problem due to the rapid evolution of technology, the emergence of numerous means of accessing and monitoring data or electronic devices, without the knowledge of the person concerned, and the emergence of numerous social platforms that facilitate control and harassment through various means, from any distance, being sufficient access to an Internet network. Moreover, technology has paved the way for what is known as „revenge pornography" or „non-consensual pornography", a real problem that affects girls and women in overwhelming proportions. Cyber violence is a problem that anyone can face, but it is more serious, in terms of the consequences it can produce or actually produces, when it occurs between partners, former partners or family members. As we will see, internationally, specialized studies have taken into account and defined cyber violence when it occurs between intimate partners, as it is the most common hypothesis encountered in practice. In Romania, cyber violence has appeared in the legislative landscape as a result of a judgment condemning the Romanian state pronounced by the European Court of Human Rights, in the case Buturugă v. Romania. Currently, Law no. 217/2003 for the prevention and combating of domestic violence, republished, includes, in art. 4, among the forms of manifestation of domestic violence, and this form of manifestation. The Romanian legislator, through this provision, aimed to ensure a protection for the victims for a wide range of acts of abuse by a family member. In this paper, we aimed to note the peculiarities of online harassment, compared to the classic offline harassment, as it is regulated in the Criminal Code in force, as well as the extent to which the criminal protection provided by art. 208 is sufficient for victims of domestic violence. We also tried to identify the incriminations that could be retained in the case of committing cyber violence in the form of revenge pornography, given that this fact is not incriminated separately in the Romanian Criminal Code, unlike the criminal law of other European states, such as and in the situation of cyber surveillance and tracking of victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anthropology Magazine is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Non-consensual sharing of intimate images is a kind of contemporary violence. However; little is known in many countries about its drivers and effects, characteristics of perpetrators and victims, which social networks are mainly used etc. 'Project Leaked' sought to gather from the experiences of non-consensual sharing victims in Brazil, with the objective of concentrating information that may comprise a reference for research, become a provocation for discussions and an incentive to learning. This article brings the project to a close, providing both the information gathered by the research and some discussions derived from it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to the journal is presented which discusess topic within the issue incluidng reproductive rights, nonconsensual pornography, and gender equality.

A central aim of online abuse is to silence victims. That effort is as regrettable as it is successful. In the face of cyberharassment and sexualprivacy invasions, women and marginalized groups retreat from online engagement. These documented chilling effects, however, are not inevitable. Beyond its deterrent function, the law has an equally important expressive role. In this Article, we highlight law's capacity to shape social norms and behavior through education. We focus on a neglected dimension of law's expressive role: its capacity to empower victims to express their truths and engage with others. Our argument is theoretical and empirical. We present new empirical research showing cyberharassment law's salutary effects on women's online expression. We then consider the implications of those findings for victims of sexual-privacy invasions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper questions whether the law is equipped to respond to the range of behaviours that characterise domestic abuse, especially those behaviours that are associated with coercion and control and, in particular, the disclosure of private sexual images to this end. A willingness to recognise notions of intimate terrorism and coercive control as an integral part of this gendered harm has now been embedded in our legislative regime through the enactment of s.76 Serious Crime Act. Alongside, s.33 Criminal Justice and Courts Act 2015 has criminalised so-called 'revenge porn' through prohibiting the disclosure of intimate sexual images. In this paper, I argue that neither of these offences truly reflect the experiences of women and both involve barriers to justice. In particular, I argue that, where coercion and the disclosure of private sexual images/threats to disclose the same, or other demeaning images coincide, the legal framework is particularly ill-equipped to respond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introduction o f the "revenge porn" offence in England and Wales was hailed as a timely and appropriate response to tackling the non-consensual disclosure o f intimate images. The offence was introduced to tackle a very particular breach ofsexual privacy and this ethos may limit the effectiveness ofthe offence, something that becomes particularly evident when the English version o f the offence is set against its Scottish counterpart. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The act of revenge porn occurs when someone (commonly an ex-partner) takes a sexual image and distributes it online without the consent of the individual depicted in the image. Despite new legislation to protect victims, revenge porn impacts many individuals who are faced with a culture of victim blaming similar to other acts of sexual assault. The present study used revenge porn scenarios to evaluate the degree to which individuals blame the victim and whether this is mediated by perceiving revenge porn as a betrayal. Three factors were predicted to affect perceptions of betrayal and blame: victim-perpetrator relationship length (one month or one year), the medium used for sexting (text message or Snapchat) and the perceiver's level of trust in others. The way in which the sexual image was sent did not impact perceived breach of trust or victim blame. The length of the victim-perpetrator relationship did impact victim blame but not perceived betrayal. In line with predictions, those with higher interpersonal trust were found to show less victim blaming which was mediated by their higher perceptions of betrayal in an act of revenge porn. The findings contribute towards future education initiatives to improve outcomes for victims of revenge porn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legal and social landscape of "revenge pom" has changed dramatically in the last few years. Before 2013, only three states criminalized the unauthorized disclosure of sexually explicit images of adults and few people had ever heard the term "revenge pom " As of July 2017, thirty-eight states and Washington, D.C. had criminalized the conduct; federal criminal legislation on the issue had been introduced in Congress; Google, Facebook, and Twitter had banned nonconsensual pornography from their platforms; and the term "revenge porn" had been added to the Merriam-Webster Dictionary. I have had the privilege ol playing a role in many of these developments. In 2013, I argued that nonconsensual pornography required a federal criminal response and drafted a model statute to this effect. That statute served as the template for what eventually became the federal Intimate Privacy Protection Act of 2016, as well as for numerous state laws criminalizing nonconsensual pornography. As the Legislative and Tech Policy Director of the Cyber Civil Rights Initiative, I have worked with tech industry leaders, legislators, attorneys, victims, and advocates to develop policies and solutions to combat this abuse. This Article is an account from the front lines of the legislative, technological, and social reform regarding this evolving problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past several decades, there has been an increased focus on various forms of sexual violence and sexually aggressive behaviors (e.g., stalking, harassment). Technology has provided new opportunities for sexually aggressive behavior and involvement in sexting and revenge porn. To date, there is limited empirical research that exists on revenge porn-sending or posting sexually suggestive or explicit materials of a former lover, without the subject's consent, in an attempt to humiliate, harass, or punish the victim. In the present exploratory study, we surveyed 470 college freshmen about their practices and perceptions about revenge porn. Findings revealed that approximately 10% of the current sample had a private photo shared beyond the intended recipient and those male students and female students had different experiences. Specifically, victims of revenge porn were predominantly female, freshman, and 18 years of age and the majority of private pictures that were forwarded to others beyond the intended recipient were sent by a current or former boyfriend. Implications of these findings for the college community are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic debates on shame and the involuntary networked circulation of naked pictures have largely focused on instances of hacked accounts of female celebrities, on revenge porn, and interconnected forms of slut-shaming. Meanwhile, dick pics have been predominantly examined as vehicles of sexual harassment within heterosexual contexts. Taking a somewhat different approach, this article examines leaked or otherwise involuntarily exposed dick pics of men of notable social privilege, asking what kinds of media events such leaked data assemble, how penises become sites of public interest and attention, and how these bodies may be able to escape circuits of public shaming. By focusing on high-profile incidents on an international scale during the past decade, this article moves from the leaked shots of male politicians as governance through shaming to body-shaming targeted at Harvey Weinstein, to Jeff Bezos's refusal to be shamed through his hacked dick pic, and to an accidentally self-published shaft shot of Lars Ohly, a Swedish politician, we examine the agency afforded by social privilege to slide through shame rather than be stuck in it. By building on feminist media studies and affect inquiry, we attend to the specificities of these attempts to shame, their connections to and disconnections from slut-shaming, and the possibilities and spaces offered for laughter within this all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]