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The paper will investigate the complexities involved in moderating casteist content on major social media platforms. Focusing on the challenges of categorizing hate speech targeting India's marginalized caste-oppressed minorities, the research aims to delve into the mechanisms utilized by platforms for content moderation. It will critically analyze existing categorization systems, exploring the efficacy and limitations in identifying and addressing casteist comments. By leveraging information sciences concepts like grounded coding and taxonomies, the study will elucidate the complexities of classifying caste-related hate speech within these systems. Moreover, it will highlight the implications of inadequate categorization on content visibility and community impact.

Despite substantial progress for women in science, women remain underrepresented in many aspects of the scholarly publication process. We examined how the gender diversity of editors and reviewers changed over time for six journals in ecology and evolution (2003–2015 for four journals, 2007–2015 or 2009–2015 for the other two), and how several aspects of the peer review process differed between female and male editors and reviewers. We found that for five of the six journals, women were either absent or very poorly represented as handling editors at the beginning of our dataset. The representation of women increased gradually and consistently, with women making up 29% of the handling editors (averaged across journals) in 2015, similar to the representation of women as last authors on ecology papers (23% in 2015) but lower than the proportion of women among all authors (31%) and among members of the societies that own the journals (37%–40%). The proportion of women among reviewers has also gradually but consistently increased over time, reaching 27% by 2015. Female editors invited more female reviewers than did male editors, and this difference increased with age of the editor. Men and women who were invited to review did not differ in whether they responded to the review invitation, but, of those that responded, women were slightly more likely to agree to review. In contrast, women were less likely than men to accept invitations to serve on journal editorial boards. Our analyses indicate that there has been progress in the representation of women as reviewers and editors in ecology and evolutionary biology, but women are still underrepresented among the gatekeepers of scholarly publishing relative to their representation among researchers.

Despite substantial progress for women in science, women remain underrepresented in many aspects of the scholarly publication process. We examined how the gender diversity of editors and reviewers changed over time for six journals in ecology and evolution (2003–2015 for four journals, 2007–2015 or 2009–2015 for the other two), and how several aspects of the peer review process differed between female and male editors and reviewers. We found that for five of the six journals, women were either absent or very poorly represented as handling editors at the beginning of our dataset. The representation of women increased gradually and consistently, with women making up 29% of the handling editors (averaged across journals) in 2015, similar to the representation of women as last authors on ecology papers (23% in 2015) but lower than the proportion of women among all authors (31%) and among members of the societies that own the journals (37%–40%). The proportion of women among reviewers has also gradually but consistently increased over time, reaching 27% by 2015. Female editors invited more female reviewers than did male editors, and this difference increased with age of the editor. Men and women who were invited to review did not differ in whether they responded to the review invitation, but, of those that responded, women were slightly more likely to agree to review. In contrast, women were less likely than men to accept invitations to serve on journal editorial boards. Our analyses indicate that there has been progress in the representation of women as reviewers and editors in ecology and evolutionary biology, but women are still underrepresented among the gatekeepers of scholarly publishing relative to their representation among researchers.

We have reached a new age in gender equality. Our grandmothers recall times of discrimination and submission while their granddaughters have become world leaders in business, science and most importantly politics. But are the incredible achievements of women like Hillary Clinton and Condoleezza Rice, undermined by the lack of women coming up the political ranks?  As a nation, fiercely proud of their stand on human rights, America is lagging behind on political gender equality. Enfranchisement is more than a right to vote and with women making up only 17% of Congress, America is placed 69th in the world for percentage of women in the national legislature. Women offer vital perspectives and experiences that are crucial in law making and governance. Yet despite years of grassroots gender equality work, they continue to be underrepresented in decision making bodies. As the momentum of grassroots organizing arguable fades, our current law makers must take more responsibility for ensuring women’s political significance in the future. This paper proposes a legislative answer to the political gender divide. Positioned as a legislative to proposal to California Senator Barbara Boxer, this paper suggests political parties adopt a voluntary quota, to motivate, mentor and financially support potential female candidates in order to address the dismal representation of women in federal government. This paper looks at the political and social implications of this legislation, works from existing legislative structures both American and abroad and foresees the opposition and passage of legislation through the current Congress. The movement for gender equality needs a jump start, could that catalyst come from legislation itself?

Argentina is a middle-income developing country that has undergone significant economic change in the last quarter of the 20th century. Many studies address the impact of market oriented policies on the labor market (e.g., the expansion of precarious work, the increase in poverty and income inequality); however, there have been few empirical studies that analyze changes in the degree of openness in class structure.            Recent studies on social stratification in industrial societies show that change in opportunities for mobility almost always goes from less to more open, even though inequality has increased in most of these countries over the last 30 years. This paper introduces Argentina to this kind of analysis to explore how and to what degree opportunities for social mobility have changed at the beginning of the 21st Century across birth cohorts. Particularly, the study focuses on the relative odds of upward mobility over time for persons who come from working class origins. Data sources include six National Social Mobility Surveys from 2003 to 2010, Gino Germani Institute-UBA. Rates of mobility, logistic regressions and log-linear models are applied to the task of modeling changing openness in social mobility in Argentina.The analysis shows that for men and women occupational change has opened structural opportunities to upward mobility. In comparison with other countries of Latin America and Europe, Argentina is (in fact) a quite open society. The rates of upward mobility from working class origins to the middle classes are high thanks to the expansion of high-skill service occupations. However,younger birth cohorts of working classorigins have had less long distance upward mobility andgreatershort-distance mobilityto the routine non-manual class.The growth of structural occupational opportunities in professional and managerial positions does not change class barriers. Social fluidity results show a general trend of persistent inequality in class mobility over time, and if change has happened, it has been in the direction of a decrease in social fluidity.Further analyses provide evidence of aslight wideningin the gap between the upper middle classes and the working class with regard to opportunities of upward mobility.It seems that sons and daughters of working class families areclimbing a steeper stairway because class barriers in the upper middle classes have increased.This study could be interpreted as a key case to understand that public policy is decisive for creating greater openness and equality of opportunity.

Since its inception in 1928, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood has played a large role in shaping Egyptian politics and society. The 2011 toppling of Hosni Mubarak and the opening up of the political system has led to an increased presence of the movement, with representatives forming a majority in parliament and even winning the powerful presidency. Observers and analysts within and without Egypt continue to have questions about the movement and its motives and perspectives. Fairly or not, the question of the Brotherhood’s stance on women and questions of gender are at the forefront of the debate. Encouraged by the former regime’s propaganda against the opposition movement, as well as the group’s conservative approach, many critics fear that the brotherhood’s ascent will result in a decrease of women’s rights and political participation.This paper seeks to explore this question through examining the work of one of the movement’s former leaders: Zainab al-Ghazali. Al-Ghazali has bedeviled many observers, as her work within the movement seems to contradict her rhetoric on the role of women within society. While she thrived in the male-dominated sphere of political leadership, she encouraged Muslim women to return to the home and maintain the base of Islamic society: the family. An examination of al-Ghazali’s texts reveals support for women’s rights and participation, but not with the goal of achieving gender equality. Her discourse also displays a connection between conservative gender norms and the postcolonial question of indigenous sovereignty. Understanding this interplay of ideologies not only sheds light on al-Ghazali’s discourse, but also on the ideological roots of the Muslim Brotherhood.

While feminist scholarship generally looks at Mill’s ambiguities as confusions or flaws, I suggest that Mill’s ambivalence has to be taken at face value by feminist theory.Many feminists – and particularly liberal feminists- feel that human beings cannot develop their true potential until they would live in a society where men and women have complete equality. One solution to this problem is to abolish gender roles, or to value social and legal norms because they promote gender neutrality. Because actual gender roles are shaped by patriarchy, the elimination of gender roles would open up possibilities for human emancipation. Like Mill, many feminists believe that new relationships grounded in an ideal of equality would be an outcome of dismantling and denaturalizing the idea of masculine and feminine. However, other feminists (Schwartzman, 2006; Pateman and Mills, 2007) feel that gender oppression is pervasive and that is ideal theory is not the only good response to women’s oppression. The ideal of gender equality obscures the significance and the strength of women’s subordination. For some feminists, analyses of gender inequality need to engage with actual conditions of power and oppression before designing new gender norms. The tension between representing a gender ideal and describing actual conditions of oppression is critical for feminist theory. I address this tension in my paper by investigating Mill relationship with the idea of gender and argue that Mill represents an important resource for contemporary feminists.