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Background12-step programs aim to address drug-related harms, like opioid overdose, via abstinence. However, abstaining from opioids can diminish tolerance, which increases risk for overdose death upon resumption. A recent study found that desire to abstain from drugs inhibited willingness to participate in take-home naloxone programming, which was linked to perceptions of harm reduction strategies being tied to drug use. In the present study, we uncovered a similar phenomenon occurring among newly-abstinent participants who were refusing to carry naloxone.MethodsThis study is an analysis of broader qualitative data collected throughout Southern California among persons who use opioids, including those recently abstinent. Preliminary analysis revealed that those newly abstinent refused to accept naloxone at the end of interviews, and so we began probing about this (N=44). We used thematic analysis and author positionality to explicate the emergent phenomenon and applied social identity theory to conceptualize findings.ResultsMechanisms underlying naloxone refusal included its tie to a drug-using identity that newly-abstinent participants were attempting to retire. Carrying naloxone was also viewed as pointless due to doubt of witnessing an overdose again. Furthermore, the thought of being equipped with naloxone was not believed to be congruent with an abstinent identity, e.g. "me carrying it [naloxone] is making me feel like I'm going to be hanging out with people that are doing it [using drugs]."ConclusionRecent detoxification heightens vulnerability to overdose, which other newly-abstinent peers might be positioned to respond to as bonds are formed through 12-step identity formation. However, naloxone is often refused by this group due to perceived 12-step identity clash. While some treatment spaces distribute naloxone, 12-step identity associated behavioral expectations appear to conflict with this strategy. Reframing these disconnects is essential for expanding the lifesaving naloxone community safety net.

While rates of opioid overdose deaths in North American have increased exponentially in recent years, most overdoses are not fatal, especially when witnesses are present and can intervene. Previous research has found that some people who use drugs [PWUDs] trained in overdose response might cut social ties with frequent overdosers, leading to more solitary opioid use and risk of death if someone overdoses alone. To examine the phenomenon of social distancing of people who overdose frequently, we used data from fifty-two in-depth qualitative interviews collected in Southern California with PWUDs who had recently witnessed an opioid overdose. Transcripts were reviewed and coded thematically, using the Integrated Threat Theory (ITT) to conceptualize the observed phenomenon. ITT outlines how realistic and symbolic threats are experienced by a group. We found that while some participants acknowledged the role of adulterated street drugs in overdoses, individualized blame was nonetheless imposed. Accusations of careless drug use practices fostered negative stereotyping towards frequent overdosers. This was attributed to the need to summon 911 for rescue, which often resulted in police dispatch. The intergroup relationship between police and PWUDs is precarious as police pose realistic threats onto PWUDs - such as incarceration, eviction, and manslaughter charges - leading to intragroup anxiety among PWUDs about future overdose events, and labelled frequent overdosers as liabilities. These threats, and inter/intra-group conflict, explained one reason how and why non-fatal overdoses led to social distancing events. People who overdose frequently were also accused of breaking the norm of drug user surreptitiousness; a symbolic threat that endangered the group due to police exposure. Social distancing might dampen exposure to the protective effect of peer-led interventions such as take-home naloxone programs, increasing risk of overdose death. This phenomenon highlights how intergroup dynamics are driving intragroup processes. Suggestions for tailoring public health interventions are discussed.

IntroductionResearch identifying pathways to heroin use has typically been conducted among urban populations. This study examined heroin initiation following pharmaceutical opioid use in three suburban/exurban Southern California counties.MethodsInterviewer-administered surveys collected data among 330 participants (65.9 % male; 63.9 % non-Hispanic white) whose initial use of any opioid was a pharmaceutical opioid. Retrospective discrete-time survival analysis identified predictors of heroin initiation, measured as self-reported age of first heroin use.ResultsMedian age of first pharmaceutical opioid use was 17 years; 50.6 % initially acquired pharmaceutical opioids from an illicit source, 56.7 % first used pharmaceutical opioids for recreational purposes, and 86 % initiated heroin use. Average time from first pharmaceutical opioid use to first heroin use was 8.2 years. Drug/alcohol treatment (adjusted Hazard Ratio [aHR]: 0.67, 95 % CI: 0.50, 0.88) was associated with delayed time to heroin initiation. Obtaining opioids from non-medical sources (aHR: 2.21, 95 % CI: 1.55, 3.14) was associated with accelerated time to heroin initiation. Reporting supply problems with obtaining pharmaceutical opioids (e.g., unable to acquire pharmaceutical opioids) was associated with accelerated time to heroin initiation, but the magnitude of this effect was dependent on one's history of methamphetamine use (p < 0.05).ConclusionsTime to heroin initiation following pharmaceutical opioid use was accelerated among those reporting supply problems and delayed among those with exposure to substance use treatment. Interventions interrupting supply of opioids might benefit from coordination with evidence-based medication-assisted treatment to minimize the risk of transitioning to heroin use, particularly among those with a long history of non-prescribed pharmaceutical opioid use.

Background: HIV sequence data can be used to reconstruct local transmission networks. Along international borders, like the San Diego-Tijuana region, understanding the dynamics of HIV transmission across reported risks, racial/ethnic groups, and geography can help direct effective prevention efforts on both sides of the border. Methods: We gathered sociodemographic, geographic, clinical, and viral sequence data from HIV infected individuals participating in ten studies in the San Diego-Tijuana border region. Phylogenetic and network analysis was performed to infer putative relationships between HIV sequences. Correlates of identified clusters were evaluated and spatiotemporal relationships were explored using Bayesian phylogeographic analysis. Findings: After quality filtering, 843 HIV sequences with associated demographic data and 263 background sequences from the region were analyzed, and 138 clusters were inferred (2-23 individuals). Overall, the rate of clustering did not differ by ethnicity, residence, or sex, but bisexuals were less likely to cluster than heterosexuals or men who have sex with men (p=0.043), and individuals identifying as white (p≤0.01) were more likely to cluster than other races. Clustering individuals were also 3.5 years younger than non-clustering individuals (p

Background: HIV sequence data can be used to reconstruct local transmission networks. Along international borders, like the San Diego-Tijuana region, understanding the dynamics of HIV transmission across reported risks, racial/ethnic groups, and geography can help direct effective prevention efforts on both sides of the border. Methods: We gathered sociodemographic, geographic, clinical, and viral sequence data from HIV infected individuals participating in ten studies in the San Diego-Tijuana border region. Phylogenetic and network analysis was performed to infer putative relationships between HIV sequences. Correlates of identified clusters were evaluated and spatiotemporal relationships were explored using Bayesian phylogeographic analysis. Findings: After quality filtering, 843 HIV sequences with associated demographic data and 263 background sequences from the region were analyzed, and 138 clusters were inferred (2-23 individuals). Overall, the rate of clustering did not differ by ethnicity, residence, or sex, but bisexuals were less likely to cluster than heterosexuals or men who have sex with men (p=0.043), and individuals identifying as white (p≤0.01) were more likely to cluster than other races. Clustering individuals were also 3.5 years younger than non-clustering individuals (p

© 2015 The New York Academy of Medicine Persons who inject drugs (PWID) are at increased risk for blood-borne virus (BBV) infections and overdose resulting from high-risk injecting practices. Studies of prefilled syringe use ([PFSU] using a syringe that already contained drug solution when it was obtained by the user), an injection practice previously described in Eastern Europe, suggest that it increases susceptibility to BBV. However, little is known about this practice in the USA. Data were obtained from an ongoing cohort study of PWID to determine the prevalence and assess correlates of PFSU in San Diego, CA. Baseline interviews assessed socio-demographics and drug use behaviors. Logistic regression was used to identify factors independently associated with ever using a prefilled syringe (yes/no). Participants (n = 574) were predominately males (73.9 %) and white (50.9 %) with a mean age of 43.4 years (range 18–80); 33.3 % reported ever using prefilled syringes, although only 4.9 % reported use in the past 6 months. In multivariable analyses, PFSU was independently associated with ever having a rushed injection due to police presence [adjusted odds ratio (AOR) = 2.51, 95 % CI 1.66, 3.79], ever being in prison (AOR = 1.80, 95 % CI 1.23, 2.63), injecting most often in public versus private places in the past 6 months (AOR = 1.66, 95 % CI 1.11, 2.48), and injecting drugs in Mexico (AOR = 1.70, 95 % CI 1.16, 2.49). Results indicate that a history of PFSU is common and associated with environmental factors that may also increase risk for adverse health outcomes. Studies are needed to better understand PFSU in order to develop interventions to prevent adverse outcomes associated with their use.

AimsIn 2009, Mexico passed legislation to decriminalize drug possession and improve access to addiction treatment. We undertook research to assess the implementation of the reform among a cohort of people who inject drugs (PWID) in Tijuana. This study specifically sought to determine whether discretionary policing practices like extortion impact access to methadone maintenance therapy (MMT) in Tijuana, a city characterized by high levels of drug-related harms.MethodsGeneralized estimating equation analyses were used to construct longitudinal confounding models to determine the association between paying a police bribe and MMT enrolment among PWID in Tijuana enrolled in a prospective cohort study. Outcome of interest was MMT enrolment in the past six months. Data on police interactions and MMT enrolment were also obtained.ResultsBetween October, 2011 and September, 2013, 637 participants provided 1825 observations, with 143 (7.8%) reports of MMT enrolment during the study period. In a final confounding model, recently reporting being forced to pay a bribe to police was significantly associated with an increased likelihood of accessing MMT (adjusted odds ratio=1.69, 95% confidence interval: 1.02-2.81, p=0.043). However, in 56 (39.2%) cases, MMT enrolment ceased within six months. The majority of participant responses cited the fact that MMT was too expensive (69.1%).DiscussionLevels of MMT access were low. PWID who experienced police extortion were more likely to access MMT at baseline, though this association decreased during the study period. Coupled with the costs of MMT, this may compromise MMT retention among PWID.

AimsIn 2009, Mexico passed legislation to decriminalize drug possession and improve access to addiction treatment. We undertook research to assess the implementation of the reform among a cohort of people who inject drugs (PWID) in Tijuana. This study specifically sought to determine whether discretionary policing practices like extortion impact access to methadone maintenance therapy (MMT) in Tijuana, a city characterized by high levels of drug-related harms.MethodsGeneralized estimating equation analyses were used to construct longitudinal confounding models to determine the association between paying a police bribe and MMT enrolment among PWID in Tijuana enrolled in a prospective cohort study. Outcome of interest was MMT enrolment in the past six months. Data on police interactions and MMT enrolment were also obtained.ResultsBetween October, 2011 and September, 2013, 637 participants provided 1825 observations, with 143 (7.8%) reports of MMT enrolment during the study period. In a final confounding model, recently reporting being forced to pay a bribe to police was significantly associated with an increased likelihood of accessing MMT (adjusted odds ratio=1.69, 95% confidence interval: 1.02-2.81, p=0.043). However, in 56 (39.2%) cases, MMT enrolment ceased within six months. The majority of participant responses cited the fact that MMT was too expensive (69.1%).DiscussionLevels of MMT access were low. PWID who experienced police extortion were more likely to access MMT at baseline, though this association decreased during the study period. Coupled with the costs of MMT, this may compromise MMT retention among PWID.