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This paper is another pragmatic attempt to include women in the comparative study of intergenerational class mobility in France and Sweden, two societies that differ in their political history and in the prevalence of women's activity outside the home. In the main, it addresses two questions: How do the mobility patterns of women via marriage compare with those of men via occupational career? How do the mobility patterns of women via marriage compare with those of women via occupational career? These questions are treated in terms of actually observed life chances as well as in relative terms, which shows the impact of the division of labour by sex on differences in life chances by alternative channels of mobility. An attempt is also made to assess the relative importance of interactions between women's social origin, own occupation, and class position by marriage. The association between the latter two proves to be the strongest by far. Rather unexpectedly, social origin does not appear to affect the association between husband's class and wife's occupational category either in France or in Sweden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'social fluidity' is to be understood as intergenerational occupational mobility net of direct structural effects, i.e. effects of differences in the marginal distributions of the mobility tables. Though not entirely adequate in the case of women, the terminology of earlier studies of class mobility is retained to simplify the task at hand, namely to complement the picture of the stratification process in the occupational system obtained from intergenerational mobility data regarding men. In this paper, log-linear models are used to test possible outcomes to the questions: Do men and women in the same nation have the same pattern of social fluidity? Do women/or men have the same pattern of social fluidity cross-nationally? Is the relation of women's to men's patterns of social fluidity the same cross-nationally? On the basis of data from France and Sweden the first two questions are answered in the negative, though one may be impressed by how small differences are and how important structurally induced variation is. The last question may well be answered affirmatively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seymour Lipset summarized some evidence suggesting that upwardly mobile individuals in some Northern European countries, including Sweden, retained the working class loyalties characteristic of their stations of origin to much greater extent than upwardly mobile individuals in some other countries. This paper presents findings from a study designed to test some of the assumptions of Lipset's interpretation of this evidence, and also offers a number of alternative interpretations taking account of macro conditions of Swedish political history and social structure as well as micro processes of ideological conviction through "cognitive vigilance". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A new aspect of intergenerational occupational mobility is investigated in this paper: the occupations of all sons in a sample of families, rather than the occupation of only one son per family. Taking all sons whose fathers' occupations are the same, do these sons disperse individually over a range of occupations, or do they tend to cluster in family groups, so that one group of brothers is concentrated around one occupational level while other groups are at other levels? The same investigation was made of daughters' husbands. The data were obtained from interviews with a probability sample of Helsinki residents. A familial influence on occupations, which is independent of father's occupation,, is called "sibling group differentiation". The presence of this factor was investigated by means of analysis of variance, applied separately at each level of father's occupation. Sibling group differentiation was found to be present in the occupations of groups of brothers at all levels of father's occupation except the lowest and to be present, although less consistently, in the occupations of sisters' husbands. These findings were unaffected when type of origin of the family, whether or not the father was a farmer, age, and size of the family were investigated. Of the total variance in occupations of children whose fathers' occupations were alike, about one quarter was explained by sibling group differentiation. The causal interpretation offered is that the variable is due to the effect of the home environment on aspirations, and that a necessary condition for its occurrence is a certain minimum level of mobility opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main goal of this paper is to describe general trends of social mobility in Yugoslavia. In so far as available sources allow, the vertical aspect of mobility will be stressed and more attention will be paid to intergenerational movements than to intragenerational ones. The description of the main lines of mobility is based on the data collected by the Pilot census of the Yugoslav population which was carried out in April 1960. This source has been combined with and checked by, wherever it was possible, the data of an investigation of the Institute of Social Sciences into the structure and mobility of the Yugoslav working class. Researchers tried to utilize some other sources of Yugoslav official statistics in the discussion of particular mobility problems. As mentioned before, the main source for the analysis of gross intergenerational mobility was the 1960 Pilot census of population. It had a subsample wherein all inhabitants above the age of 14 years were requested to give the information about the occupation and school attainment of their father and mother. In order to be able to measure the distance of intergenerational movements, respondents were asked to state parental occupations at the time when their parents had supported them. In cases when someone other than their parents supported them, respondents were asked to state the latter's occupation and education.

The present paper extends the analysis in two ways, it investigates a complex of possible economic, social and political determinants of social mobility and it employs techniques of multiple regression and partial correlation analysis. Unfortunately, the analytical study of comparative social mobility is still in the infant stages of development and no reasonably well-developed hypotheses exist which specify the "crucial" intersocietal determinants of mobility. Consequently, several economic, political and social variables have been selected from the ponderous mobility literature for the statistical analysis. Inadequacies of much basic data, the tortuous realigning of occupational categories to achieve some semblance of comparability and distortions of the statistical techniques require the recognition that the analysis can only be regarded at best as suggestive. With these limitations in mind, it will be seen that five mobility determinants, gross national product, per capita, education, political stability, urbanization, achievement motivation in concert account for more than 80 percent of the manual and nonmanual outflow mobility variance among twelve nations.

International comparisons of social mobility have been undertaken by several authors, 1961 and sources. So far, it seems that no one has attempted to try other models than the simple one of stochastical independence on the empirical data. In the present paper the log normal distribution will be assumed to hold for the distribution of social status in all countries studied. The population factor is primarily of importance to social mobility to the extent that population growth or decline proceeds at unequal rates among social layers. When the social system is in equilibrium, fertility differences may account for the major part of such inequalities. In contrast, when the system is subject to severe inner or outer disturbances as during war or revolution differential mortality may well be the most important factor. Thus, to the extent that the mortality risk of the military officer surpasses that of the military private and to the extent that officers are recruited from the higher civilian levels, there will be more room on the top for those below.

The article presents a dynamic analysis of social mobility. According to sociologist Auguste Comte, static sociology is the study of social structure, whereas dynamic sociology is the investigation of social development or evolution. In this sense, any analysis of social mobility would be dynamic by virtue of its subject matter. Social mobility would seem to be the dynamic aspect of social stratification. In this paper, the author outlined the requirements of a dynamic analysis of social mobility. The author feels justified in saying that he and his collaborators have come one step nearer a dynamic analysis of social mobility. In support of this claim, three points have been emphasized. First, the substratum of the analysis is not one special group, but a total population, if only an urban one. Second, the author and his collaborators have not confined ourselves to investigate the recruitment of strata, as they are today, but followed synoptically the defluctive and influctive movements between all strata. Finally, these processes were not studied with regard to a present population as an undifferentiated whole, but separately for the various age-cohorts within this population.

This study examines gender differences in intergenerational class mobility in the United States, Sweden and West Germany, using data from the Comparative Project on Class Structure and Class Consciousness. Our analysis has shown that when women's class is defined based on their own work status, class inheritance is much weaker among women than men in the United States. German women have a weaker association between origin and destination than their male counterparts, which, to a large extent, reflects a tendency for downward movement into the working class among German women. Of the three countries, Sweden exhibited the fewest gender differences in class fluidity. When comparing married women's work mobility with that of married men, we found no gender differences in the United States, but much more fluidity among German and Swedish women. Married women are more mobile, both upward and downward, than are men, but in general, marriage improves women's upward mobility chances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article critically discusses the two main uses of the concept of class in recent stratification research. They are John Goldthorpe's analysis of social mobility from a class formation perspective and Erik O. Wright's analysis of income inequality in the labor market. I argue that the main problem with both efforts is the lack of a satisfactory theory of how class generates inequality within the labor market. The logic of Goldthorpe's argument assumes that class causes inequality generating separate class interests in the labor market, but he does not provide such a theory. Wright provides such a theory. However, his several class schemes either provide explanations for inequality that can be derived from standard internal labor market theory that does not satisfy the requirement of class theory; or, they are based on a concept of exploitation that is unsatisfactory for the identification of class categories within the labor market. I observe that it is not clear why Marxist theory needs a class theory of how inequality is generated within the labor market: standard neo-classical economic theory seems consistent with Marx's own conception of the capitalist economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quantitative research in occupational mobility has typically focused on individual status attainment, examining the effect of background and individual characteristics on the attainment of status (or, infrequently, on incomes). Yet the labor market involves a matching process in which the matches between persons and jobs are determined by the resources of the person, relative to those of other persons in the market, the resources of the job, relative to those of other jobs, the interest of the employer in the person's resources, and the interest of the person in the job's resources. A model is presented, assuming a perfect market of resource exchange, in which the value of the resources a person brings to the job is equal to the value of the job's resources. The model allows estimation of the value of each resource in the labor market. It is applied to data on a representative sample of the US labor force, allowing estimation of the value of various resources of persons and jobs in the US labor market in 1986. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents findings about English, French, and Swedish mobility tables from the early 1970s. The reanalysis shows that the vertical dimension of mobility is stronger and more autonomous than one would conclude from earlier analyses. It is necessary to introduce several parameters for class inheritance in order to fit the data, and such parameters account for more of the association between class origins and destinations than does the vertical aspect of mobility, but income and occupational prestige do not help to explain it. The findings suggest complementarities between vertical and non-vertical models of class mobility. The data for England and Wales and Sweden were rendered comparable in terms of a nine-category class schema developed by the classification of English occupations. Social Fluidity in Industrial Nations developed models of class mobility that assumed nominal measurement, while Vertical and Nonvertical Class Mobility combined a model of vertical mobility. The constriction of the English, French, and Swedish classifications initiated a round of comparative mobility analysis, based upon national surveys of the early 1970s. Such tables were constructed from unit record data, yielding greater detail and stronger claims to comparability than many cross-national comparisons.

This article discusses the permanency of social classes and intergenerational mobility in Finland. Examination of social background in different social classes, in this article, is based on cross-tabulation of the respondent's and breadwinner's class position. The analysis reveals that Finnish society, in terms of the essential class basis, is turning into a wage-workers's society, even though small-farmer background is still common in most social classes. While the relative share of wage-workers among the respondents increases moving from older generations to younger generations, the share of wage-worker background follows the same pattern. Intergenerational mobility between wage-worker classes is considerable, however. Almost without exception, it is more common that second generation wage-workers have a wage-worker background other than their own. In other words, increased circular mobility is the expected tendency among wage-worker class groups. Social mobility is viewed in this article in terms of the constitution of social classes, of their permanency and homogeneity. The scope of examination differs from the problem of open versus closed society common in studies on social mobility.

The article presents some data on the frequency of intergenerational social mobility in Sweden. The data given are based on a sample survey with some 6,000 adult Swedes conducted in 1968. The non-response was 9,2%. %. The three social classes correspond roughly to a division into upper, middle and lower classes. When analyzing the data, it was concluded that total mobility was larger in the younger age group and that exchange mobility, measured as the difference between total and forced mobility, did not appear to differ between the age groups. Gunnar Persson has developed an index of social mobility which indicates that on the contrary social mobility has decreased over time in Sweden. The index very much resembles Boudon's. Both are meant to measure only exchange mobility, but Persson counts more mobility as forced than Boudon does, as Persson assumes no forced mobility to be long distant. Both are ratios between an amount that is presumed to be the exchange mobility in a mobility matrix and the largest value this amount can attain. If one is to divide mobility into parts, this should only be done after one has dealt with the degree of total mobility. The most fruitful approach then seems to be the partitioning of chi square as developed by Hope and by Hauser and his coworkers. The goal should be to partition total mobility into parts that correspond to different theoretical types of mobility. It seems reasonable to believe that variations in educational systems are related to another type of mobility than degree of industrialization and it would be most important to be able to make such relations explicit.

The popular belief in Iceland and elsewhere is that Icelandic society is typified by a high degree of social equality. This view is shown to be incorrect by using longitudinal data relating to access to elite professions as well as recent survey material. Explanations for the peristence of the myth are sought in the kinship network, social mobility, language, status ambiguity, affluence, and the changing occupational structure of contemporary Iceland. It is suggested that stratification will become more obvious to Icelanders with a further decline of traditional society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article appraises books related to sociology. One of the books is "Social Mobility and Class Structure," by Gösta Carlsson. The purpose of this book is to treat the problem of social mobility within the context of class and stratification theory and in particular to report on a study of mobility between generations in Sweden. In view of the Close connection between mobility research and social class there are two introductory chapters on terminology and theoretical orientations of mobility data for a more comprehensive analysis of social structure. Another book is "Mass Leisure," by Eric Larrabee and Rolf Meyersohn. Another book is "Assessment of Human Motives," edited by Gardner Lindzey. The nine articles in this collection provide a cross section of contemporary thought and investigative techniques that have evolved from one of the active fields in current psychological research. In his introductory essay, professor Lindsey, the Editor of this volume, clearly defines these various points of view and the major issues at stake orienting the ideas of the other contributors to these major issue.

This article focuses on lifetime inter-occupational mobility patterns in Sweden. Occupational mobility is a basic feature of society in which both sociologists and economists are interested. In a complex economy mobility of labor among occupations is a means to maintaining an indispensable flexibility. The extent of mobility in contemporary societies is a matter of controversy about which all too few facts are available. However, many available and relevant data are overlooked. The present article exploits certain Swedish statistics about occupational mobility that have received little attention hitherto. These data are unique in many ways and deserve detailed analysis. The occupational structure was considerably more fluid for the younger than for the older men, though stability was the dominant feature at all ages. Both persistence and self-recruitment were less at younger ages. Self-recruitment was less than persistence at all ages for the non-labor groups, but the difference was largest among young men.