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Agroforestry has potential for strengthening the climate change resilience of smallholder farmers in Southeast Asia. In Indonesia, the food security challenges faced by smallholders will likely worsen due to climate change impacts. Agroforestry provides and option for strengthening climate change resilience, while contributing to food access, income, health, and environmental stability. To evaluate the evidence for such benefits, this systematic review identifies 22 peer-reviewed articles published between 2000 and 2019 which assess agroforestry’s contributions to food security in Indonesia, mostly in Java or Sumatra. Analysis of the studies indicate that traditional and commercial agroforestry contribute to food security in diverse ways: for example, traditional homegardens offer 20% more dietary diversity than commercial counterparts, while commercial homegardens may contribute up to five times more income. Agri-silviculture contributions fall along a timber versus non-timber forest product continuum that displays a similar tradeoff between diversity and income. Those systems with a commercial focus may receive 54% of their income from a single commodity crop such as coffee, while traditional systems allow greater access to plants with medicinal benefits. Nearly all agroforestry systems offered indirect benefits for food security, such as allowing more off-farm work than traditional agriculture and contributing to environmental stability: users of agroforestry were found by one study to collect 83% less fuelwood from natural forests. One study highlighted that agroforestry options have up to 98% greater net present value (for periods over 30 years) compared to slash and burn style agriculture. However, very few studies of Indonesian agroforestry focused explicitly on financial analysis and food security, indicating the need for further research. Given the similar situations faced by many Southeast Asia countries, our findings contribute to emerging trends throughout the region regarding the relationship between agroforestry and food security.

Quassia amara L. is a semi-sciophyte species that can be found growing as a large shrub or a small tree in Neotropical rainforests. It is traditionally harvested as a non-wood forest product for culinary, medicinal and insecticidal uses. Lack of knowledge on the ecological conditions that support tree growth limits the development of sustainable forest management plans of natural forests and the development of new agroecological cultivation models. The overall objectives of the present work are to (1) compare the Quassia amara L. growth in different forest structures; (2) evaluate the impact of light conditions on Quassia amara L. diameter growth, total height growth and height–diameter relationship and (3) discuss implications for the sustainable management of the species in agroecosystems. Light conditions are characterized at the tree level by the crown illumination index (cii), which is a visual and ordinal index. Results show that tree growth varies between plots with different forest structures and light conditions. The cii was able to characterize light conditions. Best light conditions were different for diameter and total height growth: cii value of 5.0 (tree crown completely exposed to overhead and lateral direct light) and cii value of 3.5 (tree crown exposed to some vertical/overhead direct light and low direct light), respectively. The cii did not affect the height–diameter relationship. A value of cii equal to 4 was found as an intermediate condition and recommended for the establishment of new agroecosystems including the Quassia amara L.

Many factors influence adoption of smallholder agroforestry systems as part of the farm business. This paper reports farm and household factors affecting the adoption of timber and non-timber forest product management practices by farmers in Gunungkidul, Sumbawa and Timor Tengah Selatan districts in Indonesia; and how understanding those factors can facilitate the adoption of silvicultural practices for enhancing timber and NTFPs production. The research uses logistic regression models to identify the significant factors influencing farmers’ agroforestry adoption and management decisions. When considering a total of 16 factors equally, the models confirmed that farmers who have access to extension services, farmers’ groups and knowledge of government policy are more likely to adopt timber and NTFPs production technologies. The probability of management practices increasing with the greater land area was due to space for growing more timber and NTFPs species. Also, the possibility of adopting timber and NTFPs management increased as farmers had more income from on- and off-farm activities. These findings suggest that when designing extension programs farm and household factors should be considered by policy makers, researchers and extension providers.

Baobabs (Adansonia digitata) provide products, mainly bark, leaves and fruit, which are used for subsistence purposes and traded to generate cash. Recently, demands for baobab fruit derivatives on the global organic market, namely pulp and seed oil, have increased rapidly, leading to concerns that this may have negative impacts on subsistence users, particularly in areas where there is an existing high dependence on these products, such as West Africa. In contrast, in southern Africa baobab fruit are probably ‘underutilized’ and commercialization would help reduce poverty. This study evaluated the direct-use (subsistence) and income (cash) value of baobab fruit on the livelihoods of baobab fruit harvesters in South Africa. Harvesters were mostly women (98 %), many of whom were unemployed (98 %) and uneducated (70 %). The majority (68 %) received social grants and were involved in informal occupations (55 %), which contributed 35 and 18 % to total annual income respectively. The trade and direct-use value of non-timber forest products contributed 14 and 33 % to annual income, of which, baobab fruit made up 38 and 4 % respectively. Baobab fruit was the only non-timber forest product that had a higher income value (4×) than direct-use value. Cash earned was used to buy food (73 %) and invest in small businesses, suggesting a move from subsistence to cash economy. It is suggested that commercialization of baobab fruit will have far-reaching benefits; and that secured access to trees and investment in local beneficiation will further increase the value of the resource for many marginalized people in southern Africa.

The forest flora of eastern North America includes many herbaceous plant species traded in domestic and international medicinal markets. Conservation concerns surrounding wild-collection exist and transitioning to cultivation in agroforestry systems has potential economic and ecological benefits. Costs and revenues associated with adopting forest cultivation were modeled for eight North American medicinal forest plants. Sensitivity analysis examined profit potential in relation to (1) discount rates; (2) propagation methods; (3) prices; (4) growing period; (5) production costs; and (6) yields. Results indicate that intensive husbandry of six of eight species would be unprofitable at recent (1990–2005) price levels. Exceptions are American ginseng (Panax quinquefolius L.), and under certain circumstances (e.g., maximum historic prices, low production costs) goldenseal (Hydrastis canadensis L.). Direct marketing to consumers and retailers might improve grower profits, but is undermined by the availability of cheaper, wild-collected product. We suggest that the North American medicinal plant industry could play a key role in facilitating any transition from wild to cultivated product, perhaps through development of a certification and labeling program that brands “forest cultivated” products. This could generate price premiums, to be passed along to growers, but must be accompanied by aggressive consumer education. A “forest cultivated” certification and labeling program has potential to benefit industry and consumers if assurances regarding product identity and quality are a central feature. Plant species that are not viable candidates for commercial cultivation due to limited consumer demand (i.e., species with “shallow,” erratic markets) are best addressed through proactive government and industry initiatives involving targeted harvester education programs.

This paper reports the results of a study that explores the relationship between farm woodland owners’ stated intentions for owning woodland, and the structure and composition of these woodlands in the states of Illinois, Indiana and Iowa in the upper Midwest of the United States. Data from two sample-based inventories conducted by the USDA Forest Service, Forest Inventory and Analysis (FIA) program were combined for this analysis—the FIA forest resources inventory and the National Woodland Owner Survey (NWOS). We looked for relationships between product value and investment in woodlands, as reflected in volumes and tree quality. We also examined whether measures of diversity reflected specific management focus. Our results partially supported our hypotheses. Woodland-focused ownership reasons were found to have larger volumes and individual tree sizes. We found that a passive woodland ownership reason—that woods were “part of the farm”—generally had lower volumes per hectare. Although we were not able to differentiate between different forest product classes and measures of volume, we did find that those landowners who harvested veneer had more volume than those who harvested for firewood. Woodland owners who salvage-harvested their woodlands—a harvesting reason that is more reactive than proactive—exhibited lower volumes per hectare than those who harvested for more proactive, product-focused reasons. Biodiversity was also found to be related to the ownership focus and harvest intent. Generally, there was lower diversity in overstory species when the woodland was viewed merely as “part of the farm,” when the product harvested was fence posts and when timber was harvested for salvage or land clearing. The small sample size limits our analysis, but we can conclude that focusing the woodland owners on management of their woodlands—regardless of what the specific management goals might be—should increase productivity and biodiversity of those woodlands.

Salal (Gaultheria shallon Pursh), which is widely used for floral greenery, is an important non-timber forest product (NTFP) from the coastal forests of the Pacific Northwest of North America. However, there are no known studies on the impacts of commercial salal harvesting on subsequent growth. A study was therefore initiated to quantify the growth of salal 1 year after commercial harvesting, and to compare this with growth of unharvested salal. The amount of biomass removed from shrubs through commercial harvesting (131 g m−2) was the same as the amount of annual growth in adjacent undisturbed plots (135 g m−2). One year later, the amount of regrowth in previously harvested plots (144 g m−2) was greater than the amount of new growth in adjacent undisturbed plots (111 g m−2). As there was little difference in the weight per current stem, the increased biomass after commercial harvesting was attributed to the observed increase in stem number (60 stems m−2) as compared to undisturbed salal (50 stems m−2). Our study does not incorporate either repeated annual harvesting or variable harvesting intensities, both of which have been anecdotally reported to affect levels of re-growth and therefore sustainability.

Lack of adequate knowledge on forest-people interaction is an important reason for the failure of many conservation policies. This study focuses on the behavior of peripheral communities towards non-timber forest product (NTFP) harvesting by estimating the demand functions for NTFP. The paper develops a theoretical model for deriving the shadow price for NTFP using time allocation among different economic activities. Then it tests the competitive time allocation hypothesis between NTFP extraction and tea plantations, the predominant agricultural sector in the vicinity of Sinharaja rain forest. Results provide statistical evidence for the existence of competitive time allocation between tea plantations and NTFP extraction. Own-price elasticities are consistently inelastic, except for one product. As indicated by the inelastic responses, pricing policies may not be very useful in manipulating subsistence NTFP extraction. Repeating similar studies for commercial NTFPs is encouraged.

Kayu putih oil, extracted from the kayu putih tree (Melaleuca leucadendron), is an important non-timber forest product (NTFP) in Indonesia. We compared productivity of kayu putih tree plantations among three different sites in East, Central, and West Java, Indonesia. Leaf-twig, and branch production per tree differed significantly among the three sites. Tree biomass production was highest at the site in West Java practicing tumpangsari (a form of shifting cultivation) of kayu putih with rice (Oryza sativa) on alluvial soils. Tree biomass production was lowest at the site in East Java, practicing tumpangsari of kayu putih with maize (Zea mays) and cassava (Mani- hot esculenta). At this site, tree biomass production increased with increasing stand age and low production was compensated by greater biomass yield of companion crops. Intermediate tree biomass production was observed at the site in Central Java where intercropping is only practiced for the first two years after plantation establishment. Production of tree biomass and kayu putih oil did not increase with increasing stand density, indicating that at a given site, high tree stocking did not lead to high production. Stand-level productivity of the plantations increased with increasing stand age and maximum productivity was attained at 15 to 35 years, after which productivity declined. This suggested unsustainable stand productivity as plantations increase in age.

The lacquer tree (Toxicodendron vernicifiuum) based agroforestry system is a very important farming system with development potential in western Yunnan, southwest China. It is, however, less understood in scientific fields. The Lemo people (a branch of the Bai minority nationality) traditionally grow lacquer trees interplanted with upland food crops in swidden fields. During a 10-15 year fallow period, farmers can harvest various products from lacquer trees, including resin for selling or trading, leafy shoots for vegetable, pericarps for making wax, roots and leaves for pesticide, dry resin for medicine, and seeds for vegetable oil extraction. The Lemo people believe the lacquer tree is the most important crop in their community. The lacquer agroforestry system provides the Lemo people with food, cash income and environmental benefits. Further studies on the lacquer agroforestry system will be indispensable to improve this system so as to disseminate it to other communities.

Land use was examined in three settlements – Pedro Peixoto in Acre and Theobroma in Rondonia, Brazil, and Pucallpa, in Peru. Research aimed at characterizing the differences in land use after initial slash-and-burn, and presenting hypotheses to assess the feasibility of improved land uses. Settlers in the Amazon practice slash-and-burn agriculture in forest lands to produce annual crops. After cropping, lands are converted to pasture, or planted with perennial crops, or fallowed in anticipation of future annual crop production. Land use after slash-and-burn cultivation in forest lands differed among the colonies examined. Whereas colonists in Pedro Peixoto converted lands to pasture for cattle production, settlers in Theobroma adopted a strategy encompassing both dual-purpose (milk and meat) cattle and perennial crop production. The more heterogeneous settlers in Pucallpa, who included small-scale cattle ranchers and riverine and forest slash-and-burn farmers, gave more importance to perennial crops. Hypotheses are suggested regarding the described land use differences, and implications for the adoption of agroforestry are discussed.

Hilly topography and inaccessible markets leave limited alternatives for Lao upland farmers who grow rice in slash-and-burn systems. They plant banana, mango, papaya, coconut and other perennials and collect forest products, specially bamboo shoot, banana inflorescence, rattan, cardamom, and benzoin for home consumption and market. Teak is the most important perennial planted on upland fields but farmers having teak are more likely to belong to the lowland ethnic groups and own lowland rice fields. Farmers preferred teak over fruit trees and coffee because of the better market potential and 82% considered cash income or wood for construction and 18% the securing of land tenure as major reasons for planting teak. Insufficient financial resources, non-availability of land, lack of seedlings, lack of labor and lack of experience were regarded as the main reasons for not planting teak by 41, 39, 35, 28 and 13% of non-teak growers, respectively. Plantations are often interplanted with rice for the first 1–3 years. Resource-poor families generally cannot risk the long-term investments and credit or modified systems combining food, livestock, and timber production are necessary to allow them to take part in the potentially lucrative teak production.

Malian Forest Service activities and policies have evolved since the beginning of colonialism under the assumption that forests and their products are the property of the government. Today the importance of involving local people in forest management is recognized. The purpose of this research was to determine the range of non-timber forest products local people use either for direct consumption or for income generation and to identify the trees/shrubs that yield these products in natural forests, fallow lands and crop fields. A gender analysis of the data was also conducted. The data were collected from face-to-face structured interviews using open-ended questions of 92 randomly sampled households in six Malian villages. One-half of the interviews were conducted with women and the other half were with men. The study identified 55 different non-timber forest products produced by 108 plant species. Almost all (99%) of the products identified are used for personal consumption, whereas 68% of the products are also used to generate income. Products such as firewood, leaves for sauces, shea nuts for oil/butter, seeds for condiments and nuts/seeds for soap are the most frequently mentioned products collected by women. Different categories of products like utensils/house materials, animal feed and construction materials (thatch, poles, mats) are the products most frequently collected by men. Ninety percent of the products collected are found in the natural forests; 63% are collected from trees on fallow lands and 51% from scattered trees in crop fields. Forest Service support of villagers using non-timber forest products would create an economic relationship between the forest and the local people. This is essential for the protection of the forest because people will safeguard their interests.

Coffee and cocoa are the main cash crops of Cote d'Ivoire. They are mainly produced by small farmers in a rather extensive way. The shade trees used are mostly wild forest species yielding many different products. In the Baoule region, an inventory of those trees and their, often multiple, uses was established. Of the 41 tree species, 22 are used as firewood and 16 as timber for local constructions. Nineteen furnish pharmaceutical products for traditional medicine and 15 have edible parts (fruits, leaves, flowers, palm wine). Those products are essential in daily life and play an important role in the local economy. The plantations can therefore be considered as agroforestry systems. Part of the world-wide research on coffee and cocoa should be reoriented to such systems, adapted to small farmer holdings, where few inputs are available and conditions of production are less favourable.

A survey, conducted in 1990–1991 on agroforestry and forestry-related systems in eight Midwestern states, showed that three traditional and three nontraditional agroforestry systems are practiced in the region. Of 46 traditional systems reported, most common was agrisilviculture (28), then silvipasture (12) and agrisilvipasture (6). These systems often involved corn, soybeans, and hay planted with tree species for nut, timber, or Christmas tree production, and cattle. Non-traditional agroforestry systems were field windbreaks/shelterbelts (29), treeshrub intercropping systems (21), and boundary plantings (11). These systems involved a variety of northern hardwood species evergreens, and shrubs. There was also a preponderance of specialized systems (97) of growing trees with the production of mushrooms, nuts, syrup, wildlife, and other nonwood products. The survey is exploratory in nature and, although the results may not represent a complete count of people involved with agroforestry in the region, the numbers reported may indicate where a practice may be prevalent. The results reflect the fact that much work still needs to be done by agroforesters in this region. They also provide some basis for further research on more suitable systems, and for identifying other researchable questions on agroforestry for the region. The methodology also made possible a bigger nucleus for networking of agroforesters and other interested people in the Midwest. Finally, although not normally considered as agroforestry, the significance of the other specialized systems reported in this survey is that they offer varied ways of connecting forestry with other activities in a largely agricultural landscape, and that they may even be seen as opportunities for easier transition into agroforestry.

Two surveys were carried out at Dibandiba, a semi-arid site in central Ethiopia, and Aleta Wendo, a sub-humid site in southern Ethiopia, to assess farmers' attitudes toward and perceptions of tree planting, levels of social forestry and uses of tree products. At Dibandiba, farmers planted mostlyEucalyptus camaldulensis trees, exclusively on homesteads andAcacia albida was left on farmland. Trees were planted mainly for construction (32%), fuelwood (29%), shade (11%) and cash (11%). Major (85%) uses were fencing, fuelwood, construction and plough handles. Dung was the major source of fuel (56%). At Aleta Wendo, planting consisted ofEucalyptus globulus mostly on private woodlots and homesteads, ofMilletia ferruginea andCordia abyssinica on farms, and ofEuphorbia abyssinica on fences and boundaries. Avocado and pears were also planted. The uses were the same as at Dibandiba. Major constraints were lack of seedlings and shortage of land at both sites, plus shortage of water at Dibandiba. Also, a review of information obtained from previous surveys on household composition and income, farm holding, cropping pattern, livestock composition and the use of labour was made.

The Negrito (Ati) tribe of Nagpana, Iloilo, Philippines has traditionally been dependent on shifting cultivation and on hunting and gathering of non-timber forest products for its livelihood. In recent decades the Ati have derived increasing income from wage labor for adjacent landowners and from permanent rice cultivation. The consequent clearing of residual forests has resulted in extensive soil degradation, reduced crop yields, and loss of both commercial and subsistence non-timber forest products. Various agroforestry systems which incorporate permanent tree crops into traditional systems have great potential to reverse these losses. This study analyzes the economic sustainability of four different land-use options for the Ati. The net present value (NPV) of a system which incorporates both sustainable use of the existing forest and plantations of fast-growing tree species on agricultural lands is superior to all other alternatives. Social and environmental benefits from this system further justify implementation. Any recommendations to develop such an option must take into account the constraining factors typical of such upland communities.

The tropical forests of the Americas contain great biological diversity yet they are being rapidly destroyed by population pressure, injudicious logging, and inappropriate government policies. In this article we explain how the extraction of rattan-like lianas could represent a sustainable system of forest management in which smallholder incomes are increased while relieving deforestation pressures.

During the early eighties farmers in north-west India planted Eucalyptus on a massive scale for sale as poles and pulpwood. However, after 1986 farmers in this region have almost stopped growing Eucalyptus, as their experience with its marketing was not a happy one. The pole market got saturated, paper mills did not pay a remunerative price, and fuelwood prices were low and uneconomical. More important, because of legal restrictions on the transport and sale of wood, and other institutional factors, the gap in the farmgate price and the consumer price remained very wide. Wood markets have, on the whole, exploited the farmers, rather than helped them. Due to this, the short period of flirtation with tree crops seems to be over for at least resident farmers in those very areas in north-west India where they had so enthusiastically planted Eucalyptus in the early 1980s.

In this paper the author: (a) discusses the uniqueness of rattan among non-timber forest products, (b) examines the financial and the economic profitability of smallholder rattan cultivation, and (c) outlines a strategy for expanding smallholder rattan plantations among non-traditional producers.