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Many ethics review bureaucracies present signed, written forms administered at a single point in time as the default, best‐practice method for obtaining and documenting consent to participate in research. The demand is emblematic of ethics review committees' insistence on form over function, their failure to understand the cultural contexts of field research, and erroneous assumptions about research methods. Ethnographers responding to an international survey argued that written consent may not protect participants, may mask unethical research, and may often be inappropriate for legal, cultural, political or historical reasons. We suggest the dominance of written consent reflects culturally specific views of paper, writing, signatures, and contracts grounded in particular historical imaginations of the authenticity of the signature and the power of writing and forms. Construed by ethics review institutions as culturally universal, the signed consent form has come to take on the qualities of a fetish. [research ethics, informed consent, signatures, forms, research ethics committees, institutional review boards] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors of this response article express gratitude for the comments made by Martin and colleagues on their previous paper. They argue that their review articles provide evidence supporting the idea that women were capable of hunting in the Paleolithic era. They disagree with Martin and colleagues' assertion that reproductive behavioral ecology work among modern foragers should preclude reconstructions of past gender roles. The authors also address criticisms regarding testable hypotheses, estrogen levels, the value of mothering and gathering activities, and the feasibility of a strict sexual division of labor in small forager groups. They invite Martin and colleagues to collaborate on further research to explore the reasons behind the absence of evidence for a sexual division of labor until relatively recently. [Extracted from the article]

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The Paleo‐fantasy of a deep history to a sexual division of labor, often described as "Man the Hunter and Woman the Gatherer," continues to dominate the literature. We see it used as the default hypothesis in anatomical and physiological reconstructions of the past as well as studies of modern people evoking evolutionary explanations. However, the idea of a strict sexual labor division in the Paleolithic is an assumption with little supporting evidence, which reflects a failure to question how modern gender roles color our reconstructions of the past. Here we present examples to support women's roles as hunters in the past as well as challenge oft‐cited interpretations of the material culture. Such evidence includes stone tool function, diet, art, anatomy and paleopathology, and burials. By pulling together the current state of the archaeological evidence along with the modern human physiology presented in the accompanying paper (Ocobock and Lacy, this issue), we argue that not only are women well‐suited to endurance activities like hunting, but there is little evidence to support that they were not hunting in the Paleolithic. Going forward, paleoanthropology should embrace the idea that all sexes contributed equally to life in the past, including via hunting activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on her experience of sketching notes during the 2017 annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association (AAA) in Washington, D.C. She expresses her fascination with the power of hand-drawn images to reveal and describe complex truths. She explains her views that drawing is an essential tool for thinking and the importance of holding back and waiting for the key messages to emerge before sketching.

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sally and her sister Patty attended school together, both graduating with honors in 1962 from the Westtown School, a private Quaker academy established in 1799, then attending Wellesley College together, Sally majoring in anthropology within an integrated department of sociology and anthropology. After returning to Stockholm, Hannerz sent Sally his unpublished 1970 conference paper titled "Management of Danger", which became the inspiration for Sally's doctoral project in "Dover Square", her pseudonym for the public housing project where she conducted research between March 1975 and September 1976. With a rich body of ethnographic data at hand, Sally returned to the concept of vernacularization in an article (Merry and Stern 2005) and book (Merry 2006), but her understanding of the process shifted significantly. Neither a strident critique of international human rights nor a righteous argument on its behalf, human rights vernacularization provided an empirically grounded framework for understanding the unavoidable complexities in "translating international law into local justice" (Merry 2006; see also Goodale and Merry 2007). [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the author's comments as an anthropologist of tourism based in Japan on three papers addressing the anthropologies of tourism including a paper on the possibility of Ibero-American anthropologies of tourism, the Mexican way of studying tourism, and a paper on the anthropology of tourism in China.

An introduction is presented in which the authors discuss various papers published within the issue on topics including the persistence of white supremacy in response to capitalism, an exchange between anthropologist Margaret Mead and author James Baldwin and institutional racism in the U.S.

Reviewer critiques are, in part, a preview of the sorts of responses the work will get when it's out in the world. REVIEWER #2 MAY NOT, IN FACT, BE YOUR WORST NIGHTMARE This is likely the first time the work has been read by people outside your trusted circle, and this means that new - and perhaps unanticipated - questions and critiques are bound to arise. As you listen to the reviews, take note of your own inner responses, particularly if they are defensive or dismissive, and ask yourself: What questions or comments from reviewers can I reframe as moments where my writing did not reach my audience?. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction to the papers featured in the current issue is presented, with topics including anthropologists working in museums, the 2014 Ebola outbreak in Guinea and obtaining consent from research participants as required by ethics review boards.

The author comments on anthropology professor Nahal Naficy's ethnographic account of the possibilities and institutional challenges to the disciplinary life of anthropology in Iran. He argues that Naficy's paper is a call on Iranian anthropologists to rethink pedagogy and address the important issue of disciplinary identity. He also discusses the link between the 1979 Revolution on the current preoccupation of Iranian social sciences with concepts of modernity and cultural identity.

The article presents the author's comments on papers in the special section of the journal that discuss the anthropologies of tourism. Topics discussed include tourism studies, the essays seeming primarily framed by political economic issues, and the larger discussion of tourism or research on tourism.

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An obituary for American anthropologist Harold C. Conklin is presented.

The article discusses papers published within the issue, including one by Chika Watanabe on the moral discourse surrounding loans to aid workers given by a Japanese environmental and development organization in Myanmar and another by Hadas Weiss on the attempt of middle-class workers in Israel to cope with pension practices.

Critique, or "crit", comes from the world of fine arts and design and constitutes the dominant review model in many studio practice programs. The "best" type of review is usually considered to be double-anonymous review, where reviewers do not know the identity of the authors, and authors, similarly, do not know who has reviewed their work. Unlike double-anonymous review, crit takes the form of a conversation and may involve lively back-and-forth, and, of course, in crit nobody is anonymous. [Extracted from the article]

An introduction is presented in which the author discusses various papers by linguistic anthropologists who work in indigenous- and endangered-language contexts published within the issue.

The article discusses the role of technologies in the consumption and circulation of digital music in Cuba. Topics discussed include the use of memory sticks to share digital music files, the construction of social imaginary based on common experiences, and the similarities between plastic bags and memory sticks which reflect resourcefulness and inventiveness in Cuban culture.

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1982, Wagner developed a lecture course (taught annually for the next 36 years) about the novels of Carlos Castaneda, which narrate an apprenticeship with a purported Yaqui Indian shaman in the southwest United States and Mexico.[2] The fact that Wagner himself had apprenticed with a shaman, Yapenugiai, in New Guinea took on new meaning in light of this comparison. Wagner's dissertation had just been published as a book, I The Curse of Souw i (Wagner, [29]), featuring a glowing foreword by Schneider and Wagner's own drawings and poetry. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In addition to published sources, we have drawn on our recollections, Bashkow's notes of conversations with Roy, and Roy's presentation about his intellectual biography in Bashkow's graduate seminar on the anthropology of Papua New Guinea on September 30, 2015. In his field home at Mt. Karimui, Wagner carefully read this lengthy essay 11 times over (he said he counted them), and he took it as a model for his doctoral thesis, which described Daribi kinship and social structure in terms of Daribi cultural concepts. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

These imperialist archaeologies, whether explicit or implicit, are now widely recognized as a primary context within which archaeology has been operationalized violently, directly or indirectly (Díaz-Andreu, [38]; González-Ruibal, [58]; Meskell, [108]). However, we do not advocate repairing archaeology for archaeology's sake. Archaeology remains embedded in imperialist endeavors through its extensive use of technology developed as part of the "military-industrial-academic complex" for espionage and war (Meskell, [[108]]; Pollock, [124]), through its continued exploitative labor practices (Mickel, [110]), through its enabling of colonialist development projects (Hutchings and La Salle, [77]), and through archaeologists' continued feelings of entitlement to undertake field research wherever they please in the name of stewardship (historically, see Langford, [84]). Keywords: archaeological ethics; archaeological praxis; disciplinary history; reckoning; violence EN archaeological ethics archaeological praxis disciplinary history reckoning violence 334 345 12 05/10/23 20230601 NES 230601 Violent encounters move quickly. While acknowledging our imperialist roots and tendencies is key, reckoning with violence in archaeology also means explicitly facing the fact that archaeology - wittingly or unwittingly - participates in the social violence that is the maintenance of whiteness as capital and white supremacy as power (see Beliso-De Jesús and Pierre, [14]). [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The author reflects on her experience of sketching notes during the 2017 annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association (AAA) in Washington, D.C. She expresses her fascination with the power of hand-drawn images to reveal and describe complex truths. She explains her views that drawing is an essential tool for thinking and the importance of holding back and waiting for the key messages to emerge before sketching.

The article presents an essay on the subject of drawing as a research methodology. Topics discussed include drawing as a radical social research method that recalls the undisciplined roots of research that the essay explores through the Foundations of British Sociology: The Sociological Review Archive at Keele University in England, and the archive cataloging materials related to key activists of the early twentieth century including Patrick Geddes.

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The author comments on the article "The Question of Cultural Incommensurability: An Intercultural Interpretation Arising Out of Southeast Asia," by Beng-Lan Goh. Topics include the distinction between hybridity and syncretism, semantic confusions in the paper such as the concept of cultural relativism and Goh's reading of two Asian scholars, Kuan-Hsing Chen of Taiwan's cultural studies circle and Hindu-American historian Prasenjit Duara.

The author comments on how academic diversity is transforming scientific knowledge in biological anthropology. Topics include ways that social and intellectual diversity intersect and enrich the practice and projects of biological anthropology, the developments in the subdiscipline of biological anthropology and existence of a synergetic or dialectical relationship among scientific critiques.

The author reflects on mentoring as developmental environment in the field of anthropology. Topics include experience in a stunted developmental environment, the cross-pollination of the author's gender discrimination work with her study of reproductive health disparities and the author's effort of modifying the environment to generate new developmental trajectories.

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of American Anthropologist is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)