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This report focuses on the morphometric and elemental analysis of glass beads collected from an adobe structure (CA-SCR-217H-T) at Mission Santa Cruz, which operated between 1791 and the 1830s in the colonial province of Alta (upper) California. Previous chemical research established a chronological framework for opacified beads collected from sites in Canada, the Great Lakes region, and the southeastern United States. Testing the viability of this chronological framework for California, we analyzed 100 white glass beads using a conventional typology and laser ablation-inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS)—the first application of LA-ICP-MS to a California mission. We present the results of the LA-ICP-MS study and then briefly comment on the potential for LA-ICP-MS to refine chronologies associated with colonial missions and other postcontact sites.

Native American communities underwent significant upheaval, ethnic blending, and restructuring in the Spanish colonial period. One archaeological example is the appearance of a seven-room stone and adobe structure in western Kansas, known as the Scott County Pueblo (14SC1). Previous researchers used Spanish documents to attribute the site to Puebloan refugees from Taos or Picuris in the mid- to late 1600s. Here we examine the Smithsonian and Kansas Historical Society ceramic collections for evidence of Puebloan women at the site. We find a high proportion of bowls at 14SC1, suggesting the maintenance of Puebloan food-preparation and-serving patterns, as well as some vessels apparently made by Puebloan potters in western Kansas. We cannot falsify our null hypothesis that the Scott County Pueblo included people from one or more northern Rio Grande pueblos during the mid-1600s, or A.D. 1696–1706, or both.

Continuing interest in the process of aggregation in the American Southwest requires accurate reconstruction of population figures for prehistoric pueblos. Since site size (rooms/floor space) often serves as a proxy for population size, evaluation of site growth is crucial for population reconstruction. Problems in dating are discussed with reference to Pot Creek Pueblo in northern New Mexico. The construction sequence is interpreted using 236 tree-ring dates and wall abutment relations between rooms. Site growth and changing site structure are described. Calculation of room use life permits formulation of two contrasting models of pueblo growth. Construction and remodeling dates indicate a short use life for the adobe rooms. I argue that, although the pueblo grew in surface area and numbers of rooms, population size may not have changed dramatically from A.D. 1270 to 1310, with population increase before abandonment at about 1320.

From 1973 to 1974, investigations were carried out at a series of Initial Period and Early Horizon sites known as the Caballo Muerto complex, located in the Moche Valley on the North Coast of Peru. One site, Huaca de los Reyes, contains numerous adobe friezes that are noted both for their wide variety and early date. The amount of labor investment and the degree of architectural planning of the site strongly imply ranked societal divisions of the people responsible for its construction. Differential frieze distribution also supports this contention.

This paper explores the applicability of the segmentary construction-labor tax model of marked adobe distribution proposed for the solid adobe Mochica pyramids in the Moche Valley on the Peruvian North Coast for Middle Sican monumental architecture in Batan Grande farther north. The model is found inadequate to account for the Middle Sican brick-marking pattern characterized by, among other things, a very high frequency of marking and lack of a one-to-one correspondence between brick size/shape and mark. The difference seems due in part to the chamber-fill building technique of the Middle Sican pyramids which required large scale, unitary construction. Cluster analysis was carried out to assess the relative merits of various alternative models. The most plausible models are those that posit a relatively complex labor organization and specify the role of local, lower-level administrators.

Moseley, Michael E., and Luis Watanabe 1974 The adobe sculpture of Huaca de los Reyes. Archaeology 27:154-161. Osborn, Alan J., and J. Stephen Athens 1974 Prehistoric earth mounds in the highlands of Ecuador: a preliminary report. Archaeological Investigations in the highlands of northern Ecuador. Department of Anthropology, University of New Mexico. Albuquerque. The Instituto Otavalefio de Antropologia, Otavalo, Ecuador. Pozorski, Thomas 1975 El complejo de Caballo Muerto: los frisos de barro de la Huaca de los Reyes. Revista del Museo Nacional 41:211-251. 1976 Caballo Muerto: a complex of early ceramic sites in the Moche Valley, Peru. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Texas, Austin. Robinson, Gilbert W. 1936 Soils: their origin, constitution, and classification: an introduction to pedology. Thomas Murby and Co., London. Rowe, John H. 1962 Chavin art: an inquiry into its form and meaning. The Museum of Primitive Art, New York. Samaniego Roman, Lorenzo A. 1973 Los nuevos trabajos arqueol6gicos en Sechin, Casma, Peru. Larsen ediciones, Trujillo. Schaedel, Richard P. 1971 The city and the origin of the state in America. 39th International Congress of Americanists 1:15-33. Service, Elman 1975 Origins of the state and civilization: the process of cultural evolution. Norton, New York. Tello, Julio C. 1943 Discovery of the Chavin culture in Peru. American Antiquity 9:135-160. 1956 Arqueologia del valle de Casma. Culturas: Chavin, Santa o Huaylas Yunga y Sub-Chimi. Editorial San Marcos, Lima.

Excavations at the site of Pottery Mound, 40 mi. south and west of Albuquerque, New Mexico, give evidence that the first structure at the site was a large, flat-topped pyramid built in two terraces. Four Pueblo IV architectural levels are superimposed on top of this structure. Sixteen painted kivas in association with the Pueblo IV room tiers retained on their walls a number of multilayered fresco paintings. These paintings show macaws, other varieties of parrots, jaguars, and possibly Mexican Indians. The flat-topped mound and the ceremonial implications of the frescoes seem Mexican-inspired. The mound may date in the late Pueblo III period. The superimposed architectural levels and the frescoes date in the early Pueblo IV period. M EXICAN influences in the form of flattopped structures and ball courts have been found at a number of sites in the American Southwest. Most of these occurrences have been noted in the Hohokam area (Schroeder 1953, 1965). Some authors have pointed out that Mexican influences have permeated the Anasazi area as well as the Hohokam. Copper bells and the use of parrots are fairly obvious items. Ceremonial practices are more difficult to trace, but the physical manifestations of Mexicaninspired ritual may be seen in such features as prayersticks, tablitas, paint palettes, clay figurines, eagles and hawks kept in captivity, the plumed-serpent motif, and the use of katsinas. Some writers have emphasized that the MogoIlon area was strongly permeated with Mexican ideas even before the Christian era. Mexican practices and traits may have spread from the Mogollon into the Hohokam and also north through the Anasazi (Wheat 1955; Martin, Rinaldo, and others 1952). The Anasazi has been rated by many observers as being relatively free of direct Mexican architectural influence, unless one classes coursed stone masonry itself or adobe construction as Mexican in origin (Kroeber 1939). However, Ferdon has made a case that such distinctive features as core masonry, square columns, and round towers in Anasazi sites are Mexican inspired (Ferdon 1955). Recent excavations at Pottery Mound, New Mexico, near the heart of the Anasazi area give evidence of more direct Mexican-Anasazi cultural interchange. Investigations at the site of Pottery Mound, 40 mi. south and west of Albuquerque, New Mexico, were begun in 1954 under the auspices of the University of New Mexico Field School. Excavations continued through 1962. Studies of specific problems at the site have been supported by a series of grants from the National Science Foundation and the University of New Mexico Research Committee. The first exploratory tests at the site of the mound revealed a foundation which appeared to be a river terrace with a level top and cutaway sides. Later excavations gave increasing evidence that this terrace was artificial and was a flat-topped structure which formed the base of all of the architectural features at Pottery Mound (Figs. 1, 2). Another major body of evidence at this site was in the form of 16 kivas which retained on their walls mural paintings in multiple layers. Fourteen of the kivas had multiple-layer frescoes in an adequate state of preservation so that several hundred of these were recoverable. This represents our best series to date of the artistic and ritualistic practices of this period (Hibben 1955, 1960). Although it is in the valley of the Puerco del Oeste, a tributary of the Rio Grande, Pottery Mound is a site of Pueblo IV date closely connected with the Middle Rio Grande pueblos of the same period. It will be remembered that by A.D. 1300 glaze-paint pottery made its appearance in the Rio Grande, marking an indigenous development which gave rise to a number of large and flourishing pueblo towns in the Middle Rio Grande and Galisteo Basin which reached their peak of population about the time of Spanish contact (Vivian 1964). However, even from surface indications, Pottery Mound promised to produce interesting variations on the general character of Pueblo IV in this region. The prolific cover of potsherds which gave the site its name is predominantly Glaze I in date. Most of the Middle Rio Grande and Galisteo sites exhibit sherd counts which are overwhelmingly Glaze III through Glaze V. Sherds of Zuni glazes, Little Colorado wares, and especially Hopi types are fairly common at Pottery Mound. The mound of debris covered about 7 acres and

Excavations at Site PV62-63 (Cerrillos) uncovered a refuse accumulation several meters deep with two major stratigraphic units, the earlier termed the Cerrillos phase, the later termed the Isla phase. Cerrillos ceramics are of a style new to the Ica sequence and the earliest known in the valley; they represent an early development in the Paracas style, but also share various specific traits with Chavinoid ceramic styles in other areas. Ceramics of the Isla phase represent a local development out of Cerrillos but with many of the Chavinoid traits lacking. The Isla ceramic style had been previously recognized as the earliest known Paracas phase, although no refuse excavations had been made. Isla refuse is associated with a series of superimposed adobe structures, representing terraced habitations arranged in a complex apartment-house-like dwelling unit. The refuse of both stratigraphic units indicates very heavy dependence on agricultural produce, beans and a primitive type of maize being the staples. Various other artifact types were recovered, the Cerrillos textiles also showing similarities with early techniques in other areas.

Sufficient work has been done in eastern Massachusetts to permit the formulation of working hypotheses regarding temporal changes in certain traits of the material culture of the aborigines. While the present data seem to show reliable trends, modifications in interpretation will undoubtedly be necessary upon additional excavation.The chronological framework of the scheme presented here has been built on the basis of variations in shape of the projectile points found in various stratigraphic zones in the ground. Although the number of specimens from any one zone of a site is small, repetition of the phenomena is significant. Larger artifacts have been used when available to supplement and check the chronology based upon projectile points. Unfortunately, such major artifacts are extremely rare. Pottery has been correlated with projectile points by formulating ceramic periods. The author alone is responsible for classification of specimens and for any conclusions and suggestions presented.

Excavations in northeastern New Mexico have confirmed the presence of a variety of Jicarilla Apache house types mentioned in Spanish documents of ca. 1700. Associated with a 7-room adobe structure and a pit house was an artifact complex closely resembling that of the Plains Apaches represented by the Dismal River aspect. The predominant pottery, however, is a thin micaceous ware, herein described as Ocate Micaceous, accompanied by trade sherds of Tewa Polychrome, plain black Pueblo ware, and Puebla (Mexico) blue and white majolica. Mid-19th-century Apache sites in the area are "tipi-ring" sites yielding a thicker micaceous ware, herein described as Cimarron Micaceous, White man's trade goods, and a few stone artifacts. The relationship between Apache micaceous pottery, made from ca. 1600 (or earlier) until the early 1900's, and that made at Taos and Picuris is still not clear. FOR AT LEAST 200 years (ca. 1525-1725) Southern Athabascans occupied much of the High Plains, controlling the buffalo country that separated sedentary villagers of the prairies from the Pueblo Indians, and frequenting the settlements of both groups (D. Gunnerson 1956). In the course of these two centuries some, if not all, of the tipi-dwelling Plains Apache nomads added horticulture to their subsistence activities and as a result became semisedentary. The fact that their way of life both before and after this transition is sketchily documented by historical sources makes the Plains Apaches promising subjects for studies in cultural change, while their geographical position leads naturally to a consideration of three important problems

VALSHNI Village is a surface ruin fourteen miles southwest of Sells, Arizona, in the Sells District of the Papago Indian Reservation. The site is located on the adobe flats of the Baboquivari Valley near the confluence of the Valshni and Fresnal Washes. It is approximately ten miles north of the International Boundary and one-half mile east of the Papago village of Burro Pond. Its distinguishing features are five trash mounds above the desert level and many sherd concentrations. Prior to 1938 no archaeological investigations had been carried on within the Papago Reservation other than surveys conducted by Gila Pueblo2 and the Arizona State Museum. During the winter of 1938-39, the first excavation in the area was completed at the Jackrabbit ruin under the supervision of Frederick H. Scantling. This work served to define what was called the Sells phase, which has been placed at 12501400 A.D. and thus occupies a relatively late position in the local chronology.3 Two prior phases were established at Valshni Village, the older of which has been called the Vamori phase and the younger the Topawa phase.4 It is with these two earlier phases that this paper is concerned. Valshni Village is situated in the middle of a broad flat covered with mesquite and creosote bush and is approximately 2300 feet above sea level. No vegetal matter was discovered during the excavations, but many plants were undoubtedly important to the occupants of the site. The location of Valshni Village was ideal for agriculture, yet evidence for a primarily agriculture economy is not strong; it is impossible to say to what extent these people depended on annual domestic crops. The water supply must have been a constant problem to the prehistoric inhabitants of this region, just as it has been to the Papago during the modern period, for there is no evidence that any of the washes in the Baboquivari Valley have carried a permanent flow of water in recent times. Water may have been stored in reservoirs for use during

An illustration of the Huarmey Valley in Joris van Speilbergen's journal from the year 1615 shows a “ruined castle, occupied by our men.” In an archaeological survey conducted by the author, a site was located which is very likely to be the one occupied by van Speilbergen. The site appears to be Chimu or Inca in date on the basis of the plan, the construction of tapia adobe, and the high percentage of reduced-fired ceramics. Despite the small size and relative unimportance of the Huarmey Valley, the site, to judge by the illustration and the existing ruins, was a large and impressive structure of some importance to the Chimu and/or the Inca Empire.

For a full thousand years before the conquest, peoples of the Pueblo area of the American Southwest manipulated adobe clay to meet their architectural needs with marked cleverness and skill. In the dim beginning, they used it to stop the cracks of their slab-lined storage cists against rodents and trickling sand. Later, they applied stout crusts of it over the thatch that covered the pole walls and roofs of their singleroomed dwellings. Later still, they learned to make independent walls of it. Usually these were built up layer by layer much as were pottery vessels of the day. But occasionally they were made of “turtlebacks,” which, though of pure clay in rare instances, customarily'consisted of a core of twigs or other vegetation encased in mud. At their architectural zenith, the Pueblo raised massive adobe structures of pise-like appearance in localities where good stone was absent or hard to obtain and used it universally for mortar in stone construction, as well as for floors, plaster and roof covering.

Specifications are given for the construction and use of two types of excavation sifters. THE CONTINUED use of inefficient sifters by some archaeologists prompts publication of specifications for two simple sifter types. By "inefficient" I mean that those commonly in use may either require two operators for the shaking process, or, if designed for one-man operation, the sifters cannot easily be emptied. Also, all too frequently they leave the sifted dirt where it has to be hauled clear of the excavation. The dump sifter (Fig. la-b) is one I have used since 1936. The major arguments in its favor are that the eries of objects made at diverse times in prehi tory" las ow 1967: 358). Such representations of my position re grotesque. After misidentifying my theoretical orienation, both authors proceed, in very simila terms, to material to be sifted is removed clear of the excavation and that it can handle large quantities of dirt or refuse quickly, effectively, and with minimal damage to specimens. The maj r drawback is that the installation requires preparation of a stone-and-dirt or lumber ramp for the wheelbarrows and to support the upper end of the sifter. While it may take three men half a day to prepare the installation, the ultimate gain in time saved and in efficiency justifies the effort. The ideal situation for such sifters, provided the excavation does not have to be refilled manually, is on a sloping surfacethe steeper, the better. If the site terrain is level, ramp construction and disposal of sifted dirt may outweigh the advantages. In such cases, powerdriven sifters (Bird and Ford 1956) may be preferable, for they can be moved more easily. The use of dump sifters is, of course, related to excavation procedures. They are excellent where one is working large refuse deposits with strata that can be exposed by trenching to permit removal of successive layers as units. If the work involves troweling and exposure of artifaces in situ, the dump sifter is of secondary importance for the purpose of checking already troweled dirt and for handling untroweled overburden or related fill that might normally be shoveled away. It would be very useful at sites like Pachacamac and Chanchan on the Peruvian coast where literally tons of readily siftable, dry, disintegrated adobe and, in places, quantities of refuse have to be removed to clear old floor areas. I do not mean that all such decomposed adobe or all the refuse should necessarily be sifted, but enough could be processed to secure adequate samples of cultural material. The dimensions given in the diagram are those I have found effective. The overall width is based on the normal complete width of the wire cloth available in this country; the length can be varied somewhat, but it is related to the angle at which the sifter is set. The angle is determined experimentally depending on the material to be sifted. If this is dry and sandy, the pitch can be increased. If there is a proportionally large amount of material which will not pass through the screen, the angle of slope is reduced. Generally, with dry debris I have found that a pitch of about 50? functions well. The upper ends of the side planks may be cut square. However, if cut as shown, there is less chance of any debris from the wheelbarrow falling outside the sifter. Another detail worth noting is that only a minimum number of nails or staples should be used to align the wire cloth to the side planks; it is better to depend on wood strips to hold it firmly in place. The reason for this is that, with protracted or severe use, the wire cloth will wear out and will have to be replaced. If the wood strips are secured with round-head screws, this replacement is