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Gibson, Caldeira, and Spence (2003a, 2003b, 2005) expound the theory of positivity bias in their analysis of the legitimacy of the U.S. Supreme Court in the aftermath of Bush v. Gore. This theory asserts that preexisting institutional loyalty shapes perceptions of and judgments about court decisions and events. In this article, we use the theory of positivity bias to investigate the preferences of Americans regarding the confirmation of Judge Samuel Alito as an associate justice of the Supreme Court. More specifically, from the theory of positivity bias, we derive the hypothesis that preferences on the Alito confirmation are shaped by anterior commitments to the Supreme Court. Based on an analysis of a national panel survey, we find that those who have a high level of loyalty toward the Supreme Court rely much more heavily on what we term judiciousness—in contrast to ideology, policy, and partisanship—in forming their opinions on whether to confirm Alito. Thus, institutional loyalty provides a decisive frame through which Americans view the activity of their Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What consequences for political freedom arise from high levels of political intolerance among the American public? Comparing surveys from 1954 to 2005, I document the level of perceived freedom today and consider how it has changed since the McCarthy era. Levels of intolerance today and in 1954 are also compared. Next assessed is whether restrictions on freedom are uniformly perceived or whether some subsections of the population are more likely to feel repressed than others. I find that while intolerance may have declined somewhat since 1954, perceived constraints on individual freedom have actually increased. These findings produce telling consequences for the subtheory of pluralistic intolerance. During McCarthyism, intolerance focused on the Left; today, many groups are not tolerated, so the loss of freedom is more widespread. Heretofore, many thought that pluralistic intolerance tended to be benign. At least in the case of the contemporary United States, it seems not to be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the world, truth commissions have been created under the assumption that getting people to understand the past will somehow contribute to reconciliation between those who were enemies under the ancien regime. In South Africa, the truth and reconciliation process is explicitly based on the hypothesis that knowledge of the past will lead to acceptance, tolerance, and reconciliation in the future. My purpose here is to test that hypothesis, based on data collected in a 2001 survey of over 3,700 South Africans. My most important finding is that those who accept the “truth” about the country's apartheid past are more likely to hold reconciled racial attitudes. Racial reconciliation also depends to a considerable degree on interracial contact, evidence that adds weight to the “contact hypothesis” investigated by western social scientists. Ultimately, these findings are hopeful for South Africa's democratic transition, since racial attitudes seem not to be intransigent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is conventional in research on the legitimacy of the U.S. Supreme Court to rely on a survey question asking about confidence in the leaders of the Court to indicate something about the esteem with which that institution is regarded by the American people. The purpose of this article is to investigate the validity of this measure. Based on a nationally representative survey conducted in 2001, we compare confidence with several different measures of Court legitimacy. Our findings indicate that the confidence replies seem to reflect both short-term and long-term judgments about the Court, with the greater influence coming from satisfaction with how the Court is performing at the moment. We suggest a new set of indicators for measuring the legitimacy of the Court and offer some evidence on the structure of the variance in these items. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investigates the fairness of the amnesty granted by South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Amnesty in exchange for confession of illicit deeds; Forms of justice; Link between expectations to satisfy justice and the consolidation of South Africa's democratic transition.

Demonstrates that Russian culture is characterized by broad, porous, and politically relevant interpersonal networks. Previous conventional wisdom that attributes of strong civil society and high levels of interpersonal trust do not characterize contemporary Russia; Development of extensive social networks with high levels of political capacity by Russia.

Studies social identities and political intolerance using data from the South African mass public. Strong ingroup positive identities as a creator of strong outgroup positive identities that are in turn transformed into antipathy towards one's political opponents; Strong group identities as a difficult challenge for the consolidation of democracy in South Africa.

Presents a study which examines the responses Russians give to survey questions. Survey which the examination is based on; Methodology used for the study; Results and conclusions of the study.

Looks at the study which examines the cultural beliefs of citizens to democratization with a specific case study of former USSR. Types of views citizens must hold; Impervious to short-term economic failure; Similar studies done by Hahn 1991, Hesli 1993; How study was conducted; Use of mass opinion survey; Optimistic view about stable democracy in USSR; Sampling method utilize; Number of persons in survey.

Examines the legitimacy of the European Court of Justice and the propensity of the public to comply with its judicial decisions. Regression analysis of items from a survey of the mass publics in the 12 member-states of the European Union in the fall of 1992; Extent of the court's store of good will among ordinary citizens.

Reexamines the levels, sources, and explanations of public support for the Supreme Court, with data from a recent national survey. Focus on the attitudes of white US citizens; The changes in the etiology of support; The traditional explanations of diffuse support; Speculations about the process by which diffuse support for the Court among the mass public; Partisanship, political ideology, and diffuse support; More.

Considers how to measure political intolerance. The traditional Stouffer-based measure of intolerance is compared to the Sullivan, Piereson, and Marcus `least-liked' measure using data from a national survey. Argument that future tolerance research can profit; The impact of measurement on the etiology of intolerance; Conclusions.

Investigates changes in the strength of local political parties in the United States. Changes in the political environment that presented opportunities for party organizational change; Resources and motivations for organizational and technological innovation; Influence of role beliefs of party leaders on the development of party organizations.

Presents an assessment of nature of change in attributes of local party organizations in the United States. Survey of county-level party leaders; Change in levels of organizational strength; Level of programmatic activity of the local party organizations; Comprehensive theory of party and party system change.

Assesses political party organizational strengths in the United States. Organizational approaches to the study of parties; Problematic characteristics of party organizations; Organizational strength of central party units; Development of reliable bases of support; Party differences in organizational strength; Subdimensions of party organizational strength; Implications for party change.