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The article explores the political history of Canada during the administration of prime minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Emphasis is given to aspects of foreign policy such as procurement for the armed forces, Canada's commitment to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and collective defense against the Soviet Union.

A bibliography on Canadian history and culture that includes the books "The Democratic Imagination: Envisioning Popular Power in the Twenty-First Century," by James Cairns and Alan Sears, "Irish Canadian Conflict and the Struggle for Independence: 1912-1925," by Robert McLaughlin, and "Drawing Borders: The American-Canadian Relationship during the Gilded Age," by David R. Spencer, is presented.

This article examines the construction of Canada's postwar international identity and how that identity continues to influence Canadian foreign policy, especially with the United States. Furthermore, the article illustrates how changes in Canadian policy necessitated by the Trump Administration may impact Canada's international identity in the future. The article argues Canadian policy makers have consistently constructed an international identity in opposition to the United States and continue to use the US as a reflective tool in shaping their own policy. The first part of the article briefly examines the concept of state identity outlining both type and role variants and their relevance to foreign policy and this is followed in the second part by a discussion of Canada's postwar international identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an influential 2002 study, John Hibbing and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse make the provocative argument that high numbers of Americans seek "stealth democracy," that is, processes that discover the will of the people without requiring substantial citizen effort. This article applies the concept in a Canadian province and argues that the stealth democracy measure represents an ambiguous amalgam of attitudes that are only loosely related to one another, and which do not appear to represent a single, underlying concept. We draw on 2011 Saskatchewan Election Study data and find that Saskatchewan responses to the stealth democracy items generally parallel the responses gathered in previous studies conducted in the United States, Finland, Britain, and Australia. We move beyond these studies by examining the components of the stealth democracy index. We conclude by suggesting that the concept of stealth democracy be rebuilt to better distinguish among attitudes toward democracy, politics, and governing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, English Canadian historians and other thinkers came to revise the history of the struggle for Responsible Government in Upper and Lower Canada, along with the accepted narrative of political developments during the early nineteenth century. This revisionism reflected a contemporary critique of “partyism” which was seen to be an outcome of extreme partisanship, patronage, and the brokerage system of politics. These practices were characterized as irrational, inefficient, and a threat to social cohesion and national unity. Moving away from a “Whiggish” vision of political progress in Canada, historians increasingly came to use “excessive” partisanship as a negative characteristic in the evaluation of past events and individuals. The increasing authority of the “new” social scientists is seen in the move away from moralistic condemnations of partyism. Overall, the writing of history was significantly shaped by the sense of political disillusionment felt by English Canadian intellectuals in how liberal democracy was practiced in their society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Why do states configure their citizenship laws in certain ways? Why do they allow or prohibit dual citizenship? Why was it only in 1946 that Canada decided to enact its first citizenship law which prohibited multiple national allegiances? Why was a similar proposal abandoned in 1931? And why was this citizenship law changed in 1977 to allow dual citizenship? A common answer is that citizenship reflects the national “identity” of each nation-state. Through a perusal of the debates regarding citizenship laws in Canada, I locate the particular motivation for introducing those laws. I argue that although the symbolic element of citizenship laws is significant, citizenship laws are enacted as a political instrument to achieve immediate and specific goals. In particular, accepting dual citizenship in Canada should be seen as a one of the strategies political elites tried in order to incorporate English and French speakers under the same flag. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

International and regional impulses have shaped Canadian socialism from the movement’s origins in the nineteenth century to the present. Many of Canada’s early socialists arrived as ready-made socialists from abroad. From the British Isles, continental Europe, and the United States, these idealists and dissidents imported radical political ideals, which they subsequently adapted to meet the emerging conditions of an industrializing, urbanizing Canada. Directed at a broad cross-section of society, the early Canadian socialist rainbow featured many colours: Chartists, Christian socialists, cooperators, and, by the nineteenth century’s end—communists, anarchists, and other adherents of European radical movements. This process of importation, adaptation, and change took different forms in the distinctive regional contexts of Canada’s multi-ethnic federal state. Building on an interdisciplinary literature, the authors illuminate the ways in which international and regional impulses shaped Canada’s socialist tradition, helping to explain persistent tensions and forces within contemporary Canadian politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article compares the prescriptions for trans-continental empire articulated by two Anglo-American executives in the late eighteenth century: Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States (1801–1809), and John Graves Simcoe, Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada (1792–1798). While the political character of the republican Jefferson and the ultra-monarchist Simcoe differed, they articulated strikingly similar prescriptions for trans-continental empire. Both emphasized the importance of white settlement and commercial development in the West. The article explains this apparent paradox by arguing that Jefferson and Simcoe represent variations on a common Anglo-American theme of empire. The similarity of Jefferson's and Simcoe's prescriptions for new forms of empire reflected their common experience of imperial governance, the American Revolution and exposure to political and economic thought in the British Atlantic World, as well as the common challenges of winning over the volatile allegiance of western settlers and the opposition of native peoples in the trans-Appalachian West. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Entitled “Canada and the United States: Principles for Partnership” and prepared at the behest of American President Lyndon Johnson and Canadian Prime Minister Lester Pearson, the so-called Merchant–Heeney report set out a series of guiding principles for the smooth conduct of bilateral relations. Drawing on their vast experience at managing this relationship, Arnold Heeney and Livingston Merchant, two former ambassadors, devised their guidebook by tracing the nature of Canada–US relations, examining areas where problems commonly arose, and offering suggestions towards building a more successful partnership. “Principles for Partnership” may have been their swansong but it was not Merchant and Heeney's sole statement on the Canadian–American relationship. Drawing on speeches, memoranda, and diplomatic cables, this article shows how Merchant and Heeney each conceived of the partnership between their two countries and how they viewed the influence of factors such as Canadian nationalism and the United States' preponderant power. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the Canadian trade union movement's encounter with feminism, particularly socialist feminism, in the “long sixties,” exploring the challenges that feminists and leftists posed to the gender politics of the labor movement. In contrast to some writing on the New Left, which emphasizes continuities from the 1950s to the 1970s, I argue that these challenges represented a radical departure with the past. This is made evident when you compare Canadian labor's weak response to women's issues in the post-war period to the new mobilizations of the sixties. However, this does not necessarily mean we should accept the old “two wave” model of feminist activism. My discussion of these challenges to the labor movement is also compared to the more extensive American scholarship on the 1960s, indicating both some general similarities and also key differences between these two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada is a diverse society with several historic divides, which makes democratic governance challenging. There are reasons to suppose that governing in Canada may be becoming even more complex, and this could have important implications for political support. It is also conceivable that the Canadian case may reflect some of the same challenges that could affect many other post-industrial democracies. Several structural and lifestyle changes have been altering the socio-cultural mix of Canadian society, possibly contributing to the expansion of various new value divides. Because values play a prominent role in shaping people's policy demands and political preferences, it is plausible that such a transformation could elevate the degree of intra-societal stress on Canada's political system and make governing more complex. In this essay, we have two main objectives. The first is to employ data from the Canadian World Values Surveys to explore the possibility that value diversity across various new value divides may be on the rise. The second is to test whether the degree of value diversity between different social groups poses negative implications for political support - specifically, support for people in government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on three books on political history of Canada. These books are "Walter Gordon and the Rise of Canadian," by Stephen Azzi; "Pearson: The Unlikely Gladiator," edited by Norman Hillmer; "Memoirs of a Very Civil Servant: Mackenzie King to Pierre Trudeau," by Gordon Robertson; "The Diefenbaker Legacy: Canadian Politics, Law and Society Since 1957," edited by Donald C. Story and R. Brace Shepard; "Mackenzie King and the Prairie West," by Robert A. Wardhaugh. The five volumes that this essay examines all reflect this happy trend of high-quality scholarly works-both new historical discoveries and bold reconsiderations of previously agreed-upon interpretations going into the study of Canadian political history. But more than that, they underline how fundamentally Canada has changed in less than one hundred years.

In a classic article on the electoral system in Canada, researcher Alan C. Cairns argued that the single-member plurality electoral system for choosing federal members of parliament had harmful effects on the party system. The mechanics of this electoral system increased the regional distinctiveness of party caucuses beyond what occurs through social cleavages and voting shares. Since only one candidate can win in a riding, a party with a substantial vote across the constituencies in a region might receive few seats. Thus the party caucuses are more extreme regionally than is justified by voting shares.

Focuses on strategic choices made by Canadian politicians that they believe will provide continuity to their organization. Different kinds of political parties under consideration; Moves adopted by political parties to continue operating; Strategic responses that may enable party movements to continue.