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The research reported in this paper studies the effects of a nation's dependent position in the world economy on its economic development and income inequality. Two kinds of International economic dependence are studied: investment dependence, the penetration of a country by foreign capital and debt dependence, the dependence of a government on foreign credit. The dependent variables studied include three measures of aggregate economic development: gross national product per capita, kilowatt hours of electricity consumed and the percentage of the male labor force not employed in agriculture. !n addition, two control variables are included in the analysis: domestic capital formation and the extent to which the national economy is specialized in mining. The research design employed is panel regression analysis, which utilizes data at two points in time (1950 and 1970). The results indicate that both types of international economic dependence have overall negative effects on aggregate economic development. A cross-sectional estimate of the dependence effects on income inequality produces positive, though not statistically significant effects. It is concluded that dependency theories predict the effects of inputs from advanced nations to less-developed ones better than neo-classical international economic theories or sociological modernization theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign policy, like all national policy, endures and is made vital by the consent of the governed. There was a time, not long ago, when foreign policy was only nominally the concern of the people. But a shrinking world is robbing the professional diplomatist of his exclusive domain. What the public thinks now and is likely to think in the future about America's relations with the world must be of the gravest concern to all. This paper has to do with emerging public opinion on America's foreign policy. For the purposes at hand, public opinion is here equated with the results of public opinion polling. Briefly, four topics will concern us: the bases of American opinion on foreign affairs, the growth of internationalism in popular thinking, the public's conception of the mechanics of collective, international action, and the dual problem of dominance and sovereignty. Public opinion rarely has a direct influence on foreign policy. Public opinion is effective to the extent that it is organized. Leaders of organized groups may and often do have more to say about policy than the people.

This paper will discuss, first, the ways in which nationalism is promoted by agencies of communication, with special attention to press, radio and motion picture. Second, it will seek to show the ways in which these agencies promote, or may promote, a negation or neutralization of extreme nationalism. The human mind contains ideas and patterns of ideas that are often contradictory and antagonistic. A man can be at the same time a humanitarian citizen of the world and a patriot. Against this background, the influence of channels of communication in enhancing or neutralizing nationalism may be seen with greater clarity. Two interesting results of present trends as they effect newspapers must be mentioned for their bearing upon the effectiveness of the press as a medium for the freedom of inquiry and liberal sophistication which might check the inroads of extreme forms of nationalism. The avoidance of political responsibility by exploiting acceptance factors is much more obvious in the other two mediums of mass communication, radio broadcasting and the motion picture.

The Committee on Honorary Memberships nominates the following persons for honorary membership in the American Sociological Society. In nominating the persons, the Committee would like to make certain comments concerning the important function of the Committee at this time. It is said that in making selections for honorary memberships, the process is handicapped because of the lack of knowledge of the work of sociologists in the foreign countries. In the future the Committee on Honorary Memberships can function more efficiently if it has this knowledge and can give sufficient time to the consideration of eligible persons for this distinction. This is especially important since the position of the United States in international relations has caused the American Sociological Society to play an important role in the development of sociology. The Committee on Honorary Memberships has a special responsibility to the Society and the discipline. Therefore, one of the first tasks of the Committee is to make possible greater intellectual cooperation among the sociologists of the world by extending honorary memberships.

The article presents the author's perception of misunderstandings in international relations. The author agrees that the disentanglement of nationalistic ideologies and non-nationalistic factors in ideologies is important for a comprehensive understanding of certain basic issues. The author states that there are two dynamic systems that are causing misunderstandings-first is related to interdependence between culture, emotions and perceptions and second is the limits of insight.

The business transacted by the Administration and Executive Committees during 1943 is as follows: The Administration Committee voted to continue without charge the memberships of persons entering the Armed Forces. In June, the Committee voted that steps should be taken to incorporate the Society in the District of Columbia. As of November, 1943, the total membership of the Society was 1,082, an increase of 27 members. This results from a gain of 150 new members and the loss of 123. During the year this office continued the policy of considering people as having dropped their membership if they failed to pay their dues or respond to dues notices by the end of June. Since the attention of many members is largely taken up by wartime duties, some of the normal activities of the society are in abeyance. This is particularly true of the stimulation of research. At the meeting in 1941, a good deal of attention was devoted to the service which Sociologists might render in wartime. Since then many members of the society have been drawn into the Armed Forces and into civilian service with emergency agencies.

The Committee on International Order was charged by the Council of the American Sociological Association to review its 1963 report submitted by its last chairman, Robert Bierstedt and prepare a more specific program which would be appropriate for the American Sociological Association. During the last year, the Committee has undertaken the following steps in order to stimulate research and scholarly activity dealing with the sociological aspects of international order. The main work of the Committee has been in the preliminary planning of a proposal to be submitted to a foundation for a conference on undergraduate and graduate teaching of the sociology of war and peace. Such a conference is designed to be of use to the American Sociological Association as a whole. It will supply an opportunity for sociologists who have been developing course and seminar work on the sociology of international relations, the sociology of military institutions and war and revolution, to exchange ideas. To this conference specialists from other disciplines will also be invited.

We examine the influence of an interstate network created by intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) on the global diffusion of democracy. We propose that IGOs facilitate democracy’s diffusion by transmitting information between member states and by interpreting that information according to prevailing norms in the world society, where democracy is viewed as the legitimate form of government. We employ a network autocorrelation model to track changes in democracy among all of the world’s countries from 1815 to 2000. We find that democracy does diffuse through the IGO network and that the influence of democratic countries is stronger than that of undemocratic countries. Evidence indicates that the IGO network serves as a basis for normative diffusion. This is an important contribution to sociological accounts of globalization, which tend to emphasize diffusion divorced from network structure or diffusion dependent on the coercive influence of a small set of international organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

I argue that economic globalization, indicated by the tremendous rise in world foreign direct investment (FDI) in recent decades, is not driven simply by investor considerations of economic risk and return, but is significantly shaped by the construction of demand for foreign capital by receiving states. States signal this demand through the levels of formal and substantive legitimacy they grant to FDI. They institutionalize globalization in formal rule as a normatively desirable development strategy. States substantiate this commitment by providing domestic and foreign actors with ideational and organizational resources to facilitate FDI. To illustrate this argument, I use the case of Central and Eastern Europe, which was largely closed to global capital before the collapse of Communism. Analyses of quantitative and qualitative data show that substantive legitimacy granted to FDI by host states, more than formal regulations, determined the size of foreign capital flows into postsocialist countries in the first decade of market reform. These findings point to social foundations of macroeconomic trends beyond the instrumental considerations of risk and return privileged in previous research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past scholars of unionization have offered exemplary cross-national studies of affluent democracies and case studies of less developed countries (LDCs). What has been lacking is cross-national research on unionization across LDCs. We conduct a multilevel analysis of the likelihood that a worker is unionized with the late-1990s World Values surveys of 39 LDCs. We propose that unionization in LDCs can be explained by the individual characteristics of workers as well as the country-level factors of institutions, industrialization, and globalization. Our analyses yield several conclusions. First, owing to the legacy of state socialism, ex-communist countries have much higher unionization. Second, our analyses show that class very effectively explains union membership across LDCs. Although skilled manual workers are more unionized than most, educated professionals stand out for their distinctively high unionization. Third, the debt crisis significantly undermined unionization through the institutional influence of International Monetary Fund (IMF) agreements and the globalization pressure of debt service. Despite being the focus of much research, industrialization, democratization, the size of the state, International Labour Organization conventions, and international trade and investment are surprisingly insignificant. Decomposing the sample by communist legacy, signing an IMF agreement is significant in ex-communist countries, and debt service is significant in countries without a communist legacy. Overall, we conclude that the debt crisis has undermined unionization and class remains a powerful basis of mobilization across LDCs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research reveals strong effects of involvement in international organizations on state policies, but much of this research downplays inequality in world political participation, and there is only a limited understanding of what explains world-polity ties. Using data on memberships in intergovernmental and international non-governmental organizations (IGOs and INGOs) for 1960 through 2000, this study analyzes inequality in the world polity. IGO ties are fairly evenly distributed, but the level of inequality in INGO ties is as high as the level of world income inequality. Since 1960, inequality in ties to IGOs decreased sharply, but inequality in ties to INGOs remained more stable. A conflict-centered model of the world polity is developed here that explains world political participation as a function of material and symbolic conflict. Rich, core, Western states and societies have significantly more ties to the world polity than do others. Powerful states dominate IGOs less now than they did in 1960, but rich, core, Western societies have grown more dominant in the INGO field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term "globalization" as used by social scientists and in popular discourse has many meanings. We contend that it is important to distinguish between globalization as a contemporary political ideology and what we call structural globalization--the increasing worldwide density of large-scale interaction networks relative to the density of smaller networks. We study one type of economic globalization over the past two centuries: the trajectory of international trade as a proportion of global production. Is trade globalization a recent phenomenon, a long-term upward trend, or a cyclical process? Using an improved measure of trade globalization, we find that there have been three waves since 1795. We discuss the possible causes of these pulsations of global integration and their implications for the early decades of the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural relations in the sense of contacts between peoples and nations go back thousands of years, but are now taking on added importance because of revolutionary changes in mans social life. Unprecedented developments in relations among nations are due to such factors as the growing economic interdependence of nations and the transformation of communications, especially the mass media. The accepted fields of international relations international law, international organization, and international politics may well be supplemented by the study of international cultural relations. The term international culture relations has been selected for use even though any meaning assigned to it is bound to involve confusion and inconsistency. Thus, the international cultural relations include social contacts of any conceivable kind. Thus, the purpose is not to establish the correctness of either set of conclusions, but to raise the question as to the role of American social scientists in the field of international cultural relations.

The article presents news and announcements related to sociology. The International Sociological Association Word Congress of sociologists will be held in Zurich, Switzerland from September 4-9, 1950. The general subject of the congress is sociological research in its bearing on international relations. The program of the meetings will include original studies and critical evaluations of research on nationalism and national characteristics and attitudes, displaced persons, immigrants and their adaptation, ethnic groups within nations and their influence on foreign relations, international communication, tensions affecting international understanding, and problems international organization. According to another news the Israel Institute of Applied Social Research, the first of its kind in the young State, has been set up as a result of the expansion of the work of the Israel Institute of Public Opinion Research to other fields of a sociological and socio-psychological nature. Besides current nation-wide opinion polls, the Institute is now engaged in a study of adjustment problems among new immigrants. Another extensive and intensive study of problems, plans, and attitudes of Israel's youth are in preparation. Among other subjects, which the Institute has been commissioned to analyze, are: the experience of dwellers in the new housing projects, radio listening, and juvenile delinquency.

Implications of atomic energy in the field of international relations were from the very beginning widely studied and discussed because of its negative, destructive force. There is, however, also a constructive and creative aspect to it, a discovery of a tremendous source of new energy which will affect the society and its future development not only in the realm of international relations but in the widest sense in the whole area of social change, social structure, economics, government, leisure, education and others. This large range of problems connected with discovery of atomic energy and its social consequences calls for the research, ideas and vision of social and political scientists. In fact, mankind, flabbergasted by the lack of social safeguards against such destructive power and the possibilities of new atomic discovery, looks to them for guidance, advice and proper solution. The large area of problems connected with the discovery of atomic energy perhaps would justify the creation of an integrated social science sub-discipline with a subject matter of social and political adjustment to the atomic discovery and the discovery of new energies.

The article presents observations on elections held in 1946 in Greece. It states that a chapter in quantitative political science and international relations was written in the spring of 1946 when allied governments of Great Britain, the U.S. and France sent a mission to Greece to observe the parliamentary election of March 31, 1946 for obtaining quantitative information concerning compliance of that country's inhabitants with their own election laws. The organization, officially known as Allied Mission to observe the Greek Elections, was formed specifically to carry out provisions of Varkiza Agreement. This agreement, which was signed on February 12, 1945, a day after the publication of the Yalta Declaration, required in part that Greece should hold both a plebiscite and parliamentary elections and stated that "representatives of both sides agree that for the verification of the genuineness of the popular will at these elections, the great Allied Powers shall be requested to send observers." Basing its decision largely on its quantitative findings, the mission reported to its governments that the election proceedings were on the whole free and fair and that the general outcome represents a true and valid verdict of the Greek people.

The article focuses on some sociological problems faced in the working of the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO). It has been given the task of helping member governments to realize their objectives in the field of nutrition and agriculture. The objective of the FAO is to raise levels of nutrition and standard of living of the people under their respective jurisdiction, secure improvements in the efficiency of the production and distribution of all food and agricultural products and battering the conditions of rural population and thus contributes toward an expanding world economy. It is a basic assumption of FAO that there exists and is being developed a large body of scientific and technical knowledge in agriculture, nutrition, forestry and fisheries, which if properly and effectively applied would make it unnecessary for the world's people to suffer the chronic malnutrition that characterized a large proportion of the world's people before the war. FAO has a limited budget and staff, particularly in view of the wide range of problems to which it has to give attention. More important however is the fact that an international agency cannot attempt to take over the work which national governments and the institutions of the individual countries can best do.

This article presents a discussion on international relations and sociology as practiced by the Americans. The author dwelled on the exchange of students. In 1936 at Buenos Aires, accredited representatives of the American Republics gathered to discuss ways of bringing the peoples of various nations closer together. One of the outcomes of the meeting was the Convention of Inter-American Cultural Relations which provided for the annual exchange of two graduate students from each signatory nation. The Convention included conditions of application, selection, value of the fellowship, and other related details. Since the beginning of the program about 160 different students had come to the United States by September, 1947. That a larger number has not come is due to the fact that the fellowships may be renewed for a second year, and renewals have occurred in many instances where the student's academic record warranted and where the type of training he received required a longer period of time for its completion. Although all of the signatory States have sent students to the United States, not all of them have been financially able to receive the students.

This article presents a discussion on international relations and sociology as practiced by the Americans. Professor W. Rex Crawford has rightly pointed out that sociologists are not "in demand" by governmental and other organizations dealing with political and international affairs. He has rightly asserted that, by contrast, specialists in such "practical" disciplines as economics, political science, social work, and agriculture are sought after by these bodies, at least for technical advice. He considered the situation of anthropologists in this regard, and disposed of them with the statement that, "anthropologists beat their breasts and called attention to the fact that they had long been doing area studies," wherefore they should take a leading part in the future development of such studies. But he did not go on to tell what is as true of anthropologists as of sociologists. Beat their breasts as they may, anthropologists are as little "in demand" by organizations having to do with political and international affairs as are sociologists. In short, the neglected Social sciences in national and international administration and planning are both sociology and anthropology.

This article presents a discussion on international relations and sociology as practiced by the Americans. The interpretation of other cultures to Americans is not the only task, indeed, the members of such cultures might have their doubts as to the unique competence of Americans for such a job, and point to the last refuge of ethnocentrism in the breast of the scientist who believes that only they are the one who were anointed by God for the task of studying ethnocentrism and its manifestations. The interpretation of American culture to the rest of the world, in the interest of better understanding and more friendly relationships, in short, the job of public relations, not for a business and industry or a movie star, but for the United States, would seem to be a natural for sociologists. In practice it has not worked out that way. An encouraging and increasing amount of articles on population in Japan, the family in India, the basic culture pattern common to Latin America, race, religion, etc., in Brazil, all soundly based on research by American sociologists and revealing sound understanding. By all means, let there be more of this, and of support for field studies to make it possible.

Public opinion research, as a sociological tool, demonstrated its practical value in emergency situations during the liberation of France. A survey was conducted that covered the Contentin Peninsula, north of a line drawn from Port Bail on the west coast to Carentan on the east. The findings of this first survey reveal the behavior of a civilian population under total war. They show the basic failure of years of enemy propaganda. They describe the impact of liberating armies upon the occupied peoples. Although they afford a sociological laboratory that is too complex to be catalogued, a few typical findings indicated the nature of the data. Into the restricted peninsula area the war brought tens of thousands of Allied troops, most of whom had never been in France before. To the majority of Normans the conduct of these troops was satisfactory. They offered considerable unsolicited praise of the American soldiers, and the stories of their contacts with the troops are replete with accounts of agreeable and friendly relations for the most part.

This article presents information on the sociology of international relations. Discussions of different nations and plans for their future are often carried on with too much emphasis on political and economic machinery, while too little understanding is manifest of the social structure of society. Indeed, preoccupation with political and economic factors and the spread of nationalism, attendant upon the predominance of the European culture in the last two centuries has obscured the fact that the sixty or more major nations of the world fall culturally and historically into six main categories. The European culture area is divided into a southern or Latin branch and a northern or Germanic branch the latter including U.S. and the member states of the British Empire. The Russian culture area includes the East-European and Asiatic nations which grouped around a racially Slavic nucleus, are now ideologically integrated through the doctrine of communism. The Chinese culture area includes all nations of the Far East and Southeast Asia that historically derived their philosophy, script and learning mainly from Chinese sources.

Major portion of the program is devoted to the expression of hopes and fears for the post-war era. What are the prospects of realizing some small dividend in improved social relations in return for the investment of life, time, and resources. The degrees of hopefulness of such a dividend vary. On the contrary, as the military situation and all the excitement and animal emotion accompanying the fight recede from the foreground, the problems which gave rise to the war emerge through the smoke and the wreckage in no way simplified by the Roman holiday in which we have indulged. There stand the problems like the bills with interest, which you could postpone paying while on vacation, but can no longer postpone. In short, there has not been in the meantime a sufficient change in the conditions that determine a peace settlement. Social scientists today know a great deal about the requirements for a durable peace, there is absolutely no reason to believe that their counsels will be heeded.

The major social problem is no longer that of labor as a class but of the welfare and security of whole populations. The present total war, mainly the consequence of the Western powers' neglect of the security factor in inter-population adjustments, brings the population problem to the forefront of national and international politics. Manpower is the basic condition of victory; yet freedom from want is the basic guarantee against a real war of populations. Democratic international organization will ease the approach to a world population optimum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the sociological category "inter-group relations" with a view toward using it as a frame of reference for the study of international relations. A relation is a condition where each participating subject functions as an object of the behavior of each other participating subject. A group can be an object of behavior, but it cannot be a subject of behavior. The properties of intergroup relations are most distinctly revealed in those cases where the character of the relationship is completely determined by the groups involved, while the personalities of the contacting subjects remain almost entirely outside the relationship. A particular problem, which the international community has in common with small groups, is that of law enforcement. The lack of an agency for law enforcement in the international community is not fortuitous but conditioned by the character of the international community as a "small group." There are indications that in the months and years to come the problem of international organization will gain new importance. Scientific planning involves the study of the conditions of international organization from the angle of sociology.

This article presents critical remarks on the existing theories of the causes of war. Like the other referential principles of the social sciences of today, the principle of causality is in a chaotic state. The problem of the causes of war illustrates this lack of precision. The existing literature on war causation reveals the almost hopelessly muddled condition of knowledge in this field, and in that of causality generally. The causal factors evoked include, sunspots, climate, conjunctions of planets, and other cosmic factors, instincts of pugnacity, of war, of fighting, of herd, and of aggressiveness, overpopulation, underpopulation, high and low birth and mortality rates, universal law of struggle for existence, and other biological factors, fear, fight for freedom, relaxation from inhibitions imposed civilization etc. Still another defect that aggravates the above sins is a most pitiable application to the study of war of the principle of so-called multiple causation. If any, of the theories concerning the causes of war is taken into consideration, the relevant factual material concerning war as a check on the validity of the theories.

This article presents a discussion on international relations and sociology as practiced by the Americans. The sociologist may relate to international affairs as a student of comparative societies, as an expert advisor of powerful actors involved in deals now being made between governments, and as an independent political intellect searching for orientation in a world of seemingly permanent war. Professor W. Rex Crawford's major point is that as students of society many U.S. sociologists are provincial. His minor point is that sociologists are not in much demand as expert advisors or statesmen. He does not consider the sociologist as independent political intellect. Professor Crawford has covered well the lack of concern of members with comparative sociology. Anthropologists have taken a broader view but mainly of narrower areas. They have focused upon cultures that are unimportant in world history, they have seemed to prefer, until quite recently, to examine only the backwash of world affairs.

The article presents an annual report of the secretary of the American Sociological Society for the fiscal year, December 15, 1938 to December 15, 1939. Details of the Society's activities are presented as usual in the special reports of its delegates, representatives, and committees. Of general interest to the Society's membership are the preliminary report of the Society's committee on Organization, the institution by the American Association for the Advancement of Science of a Council on Human Relations to which J.L. Hypes and O.T. Duncan were appointed as delegates, and the organization of the Conference on Inter-American Relations in the Field of Education under the Division of Cultural Relations of the Department of State. During the year the following matters were brought to the attention of the officers of the society such as request for a small grant from Society funds to assist in the development of a Section's program. Adoption of some symbol or emblem to identify members at the annual meeting and an exchange service for the distribution of unpublished research monographs and an invitation from the American Association for the Advancement of Science to participate in its summer meetings to be held in Seattle from June 17-22, 1940.

The Third National Conference on Exchange of Persons held in Washington on January 28-31, 1959. The Conference was sponsored by the Institute of International Education in cooperation with 139 participating and observer organizations. Special sessions were devoted to the U.S. cultural relations with foreign nations, to exchanges with Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union and to the relation of exchange programs to the national interest. Among the many conclusions of the conference a few were noticeable for the frequency with which they occurred in different sessions. International relations, the exchange of artists and performers was judged to be especially constructive. It was emphasized, however, that persons sent to other countries, whether students, artists, experts or others and whether under private or public auspices, should always be the best available. Language training deficiencies and a lack of funds were recognized as two major handicaps to adequate exchange programs which must be overcome at least in part. The Conference felt the exchange of senior professors to be meaningful only where the exchange involved a specific assignment in a foreign university or agency.