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The predominant post-1965 immigrant groups have established distinctive settlement areas in many American cities and suburbs. These areas are generally understood in terms of an "immigrant enclave" model in which ethnic neighborhoods in central cities serve relatively impoverished new arrivals as a potential base for eventual spatial assimilation with the white majority. This model, and the "ethnic community" model, are evaluated here. In the ethnic community model, segregated settlement can result from group preferences even when spatial assimilation is otherwise feasible. Analysis of the residential patterns of the largest immigrant groups in New York and Los Angeles shows that most ethnic neighborhoods can be interpreted as immigrant enclaves. In some cases, however, living in ethnic neighborhoods is unrelated to economic constraints, indicating a positive preference for such areas. Suburban residence does not necessarily imply living outside of ethnic neighborhoods. Indeed, for several groups the suburban enclave provides an alternative to assimilation--it is an ethnic community in a relatively high-status setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well known that crime rates, when examined by residential area, are positively correlated with racial composition. This is usually interpreted to mean that racial composition affects crime rates, although there is debate over why. We consider an alternative interpretation: that reciprocal causal effects exist between these two variables. The crime rate itself may change the racial composition of an area by making it a less desirable place in which to live and invest. This hypothesis is tested with longitudinal data for a national sample of suburbs for the period 1970 to 1990. We find significant and approximately equal causal effects in both directions; specifically, it is the robbery component of crime that affects racial composition. High robbery rates are associated with black population growth while stimulating white flight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research has indicated that the traditional monocentered specification of metropolitan form no longer describes the distributions of population and economic activity in many metropolitan areas. Much of the deviation is attributed to changes in the suburban ring. Using commuting patterns as an indicator of intrametropolitan systems of cities, I evaluate alternative specifications of metropolitan form and examine the network position of large suburban cities in 41 multinodal metropolitan areas. The results call into question both the monocentered specification of intrametropolitan relationships and more recent multinodal reformulations, suggesting instead that the metropolitan community is best viewed as a complex system of differentially dominant places. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the determinants of public-school segregation in 65 metropolitan areas in 1968 and segregation changes between 1968 and 1976. Models for central-city and suburban public schools permit estimation of the segregative effects that one system exerts on an adjacent system. In 1968, higher black proportions in cities enhanced segregation in suburbs, and higher proportions in suburbs promoted segregation in cities. Although city and suburban school segregation declined during the 1970s, segregation between cities and suburbs increased. Higher black proportions in cities put segregative pressure on their suburbs. The historic link between residential and public-school segregation was broken in southern but not in northern cities nor the suburbs of either region. Private-school utilization by whites had segregative effects on southern city systems, but not elsewhere. The boundaries between city and suburban school systems appear to foster racial inequalities within those systems as class theories predict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study attempts to replicate results of previous research on the consequences of growth controls in suburban municipalities. It combines longitudinal data for 1970-1980 from census materials with a 1973 questionnaire survey of city planning officials concerning local growth-control policies. Growth controls have only modest effects on subsequent changes in local population, median family income, median rent, and black percentage. We argue that formal policy tools or legislation cannot be accepted as indicating that their stated objectives will be realized. Data on such tools are potentially misleading; research on local growth politics requires more fine-grained information on the balance of forces in the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An evaluation of three models of suburban socioeconomic change-the lVe cycle, persistence, and stratification models-is made for post-World War II decades. The bask thesis is that as metropolitan and fringe growth decline from the peak growth of the 1950s to the reduced growth of the 1970s, decade-specific models of suburban status change will reflect increasing status persistence. A second thesis is that government (operationalized as formal leadership accessibility and functional scope) plays a role in the status change process. Three status measures are examined: median income, percent white collar, and percent completing high school. All U.S. suburbs greater than ten thousand in population in 1950, 1960, and 1970 constitute the sample. The findings show that in every decade the lifecycle, persistence, and stratification models of status change were all empirically supported to some degree. However, during the 1970s, population growth disappeared as a determinant of status change. Moreover, suburban functional scope influenced status change indirectly through population growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The suburban population in the United States has aged more rapidly than the population as a whole. This paper examines the suburbanization of the elderly during 1960-1980 for a national sample of metropolitan regions. The increasing proportion of residents age 65 and over has been accompanied by declining segregation of the elderly among suburbs in most metropolitan regions. During this period suburbs with older populations were relatively poor but had higher municipal expenditures. Those in the North also had higher density, higher proportions of rental housing, more local employment, and higher taxes than other suburbs. Increases in proportion elderly are greater in. slow-growing inner suburbs, but are linked to lower proportions of black residents, more trade employment, and a stronger tax base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

in contrast to past findings of persistent social status in suburbs, this study of 52 metropolitan regions during 1960-1970 reveals considerable differentiation and flux. We find variations between metropolitan regions in the direction and extent of change in inequality between suburbs. inequality tended to increase in the 1960s in metropolitan regions with a highly fragmented local governmental structure and to decline in regions with fast-growing populations, especially those which experienced substantial suburbanization of employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study the causes of two aspects of white movement to the suburbs are analyzed: the probability that a white central city resident moved to the suburbs between 1965 and 1970, and the probability that a white in-migrant to metropolitan areas settled in the suburbs. The units of analyses are the 112 metropolitan areas where the central city had a 1960 population of 100,000 or more, and where the central city and the metropolitan area were not coterminous. Primary concern is with determining whether whites were "fleeing" central city problems (such as crime, taxes, strikes, race riots, and large black populations) or were drawn to the suburbs because it is there that new housing and jobs were located. A model of the suburbanization process is explicated and evaluated, using path analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A structural model of suburban status change is generated which summarizes and extends previous studies of status persistence. Utilizing a sample of 714 suburbs, I evaluate a causal model of status persistence and compare the results with previous studies. This study shows that 1960 suburban status characteristics, age and population growth exert significant direct effects on 1970 status levels. However, the effects of growth on 1970 status levels, though significant for two of three status characteristics examined, are primarily spurious. This suggests they have a more minor role in the explanation of status change than is suggested by other studies. Additionally, employment specialization, percent black and suburban age are shown to have substantial indirect effects on 1970 status levels while they exert only small direct effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A method for the quantitative analysis of change is developed, and demonstrated by a study of changes in the socioeconomic status (SES) characteristics of 89 Long island suburban communities 1960-1970. Three theoretical models in the literature on suburban change are shown to be related to statistical measures of change of the mean, change of dispersion and positional change. Because of failure to recognize that there are three mathematically independent dimensions of change, high correlations between measurements of a status characteristic at two points in time were formerly misinterpreted to mean a lack of change. Also, previous studies probably erred in generalizing from only one indicator of suburban SES, educational attainment, in this study, three SES variables, education, occupation and income, are shown to have different patterns of change on the three dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on changes in socioeconomic structure of U.S. suburbs between 1920, 1950, and 1970. Persistence in suburban socioeconomic structure has been important in both time periods, but particularly so in the post-World War II period. Moderate evidence of suburban status evolution is found in the period between World War land 1950. In the earlier time period, evolution was explained by characteristics of both the metropolitan area and the individual community; in the most recent time period, it related primarily to characteristics of the individual community. In both time periods, evolution in suburban socioeconomic structure has been related most strongly to community population growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents comments on an article by Karl E. Taeuber and Alma F. Taeuber. Since the Taeubers disagree that the objections to the customary uses of the index of dissimilarity are major and since they reduce to the level of tinkering, the author's efforts to refine the index, one obviously has not made their points as clearly as necessary. The author claimed no ownership of the objections to the index of dissimilarity that was outlined in the original paper. These objections have been with the author since the beginning and an excellent summary of the issues were provided by the Taeubers more than ten years ago. The Taeubers acknowledge encountering persons who do not accept the idea of evenness but prefer information on deviation from randomness. Beyond questions of preference for one or the other, a real issue is that, given a small proportion of the minority, evenness may be impossible. It is odd that a practitioner's perspective would not take this into account.

The article presents four major objections to the indexes of dissimilarity as a measure of residential or geographic segregation. The property that gives rise to their first objection is that the zero point of no segregation is an even distribution of blacks and whites among subareas of the city. Where the size of subareas is small and the proportion of blacks in the city is also small, the minimum attainable value of the index may be quite high. A corresponding argument could have been made concerning the maximum attainable value of the index of dissimilarity, but the conditions contributing to the severity of this constraint are different. For a perfectly segregated distribution, the minority must completely fill some set of subareas. The larger the size of the subareas, the less likely that an exact match is possible between the number of minority households and the total number of households in any set of subareas. A random residential distribution process allows additional deviations from strict evenness in addition to those caused by the constraint of working with integer units.

This article presents a discussion on the internal migration and racial composition of the southern population in the U.S. A major research concern has been the effects of internal migration upon the population composition of the sending and receiving areas. The Southern Region, in recognition of its role as an area of net out-migration, has been designated by some American demographers as the "seed-bed of the nation," and, since Negroes have formed the bulk of the net out-migration from the South, speculation regarding population changes in the area usually involves special consideration of the effects of Negro migration. The rural-nonfarm areas, which include villages and suburbs for the most part, gained in total population but lost Negro population through interstate migration. While the total rural-nonfarm population of the Southern states was increased by approximately 41,000 by interstate migration, the Negro rural-nonfarm population of the Southern states was decreased by approximately 10,000 persons by interstate migration.

Controversies over busing to achieve racial integration of schools result front the intersection of social trends and prevailing values. The movement to expand the civil rights of blacks conflicts with the tradition of neighborhood schools and the residential segregation of neighborhoods. This paper examines the receptiveness of whites to school and neighborhood integration and explores the economic potential for residential integration. We find the receptiveness of whites to having black neighbors or having their children attend schools with Negroes has increased, and now a majority of whites endorse such integration. Data from the Census of 1970 reveal that economic factors account for little of the concentration of blacks within central cities, their absence front suburbia or the residential segregation of blacks from whites in either cities or suburbs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large cities are apparently becoming increasingly differentiated from their suburban rings in socio-economic status. It has been speculated that this results from an influx of low-status migrants to cities and an out flow of high-status persons from cities to suburbs. Analysis of census data on migration patterns between 1955 and 1960 for 12 large metropolitan areas indicates a different and more complex pattern. Nearly all streams of migrants are of higher average socio-economic status than non-migrants. Large cities contribute to their suburbs and to other metropolitan areas more high-status migrants than they receive, whereas sub-urban rings receive more high-status migrants than they lose. This circulation of persons of higher levels of educational attainment and occupational status has the net effect of diminishing the socio-economic level of central city populations and augmenting the socio-economic level of suburban populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Suburban areas have grown more rapidly in recent decades than have central cities. It has often been suggested that individuals with higher socio-economic status have deserted cities for suburbs, thus increasing city-suburban socio-economic differentials. An analysis of changes in population composition from 1950 to 1960 for certain urbanized areas lends support to this hypothesis. But if suburbs are looked at individually, instead of as aggregate; a different pattern of compositional change emerges. Particular suburbs retain their peculiar socio-economic characteristics for long periods of time and even rapid population growth does not produce substantial changes in a suburb's socio-economic characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Suburbs are commonly supposed to contain populations ranking higher in socio-economic status than the cities they surround. An analysis of the 1960 Census materials for 200 urbanized areas in the United States reveals that this is true of the larger and older areas, but that smaller and newer cities tend to rank higher in income, education, and occupation than their suburbs. A multiple regression analysis indicates that age is the best predictor of city-suburban status differentials. The findings suggest that American cities have evolved in a predictable direction with respect to the residential distribution of broad social classes, in accordance with the Burgess model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compared to the large American city, it is generally believed that the socio-economic status of the surrounding area is markedly higher. There is a pronounced tendency for the average incomes of the very largest cities to be surpassed by those of their suburbs, but medium-sized and smaller cities tend to exhibit income levels in excess of their surrounding areas. In fact, if one examines median family incomes for cities and suburban "rings" in all of the 168 Standard Metropolitan Areas (SMA's) identified in the 1950 census, one finds that only 60 areas or 35.7 per cent have suburbs in which incomes exceed those of the cities. Examining median personal incomes in cities and suburbs without respect to color, one finds suburban income higher in a clear majority of SMA's within both broad regions. Regionally, the suburban advantage is seen to hold only for the Northern areas when the incomes of city and suburban whites are examined. The income of city Negroes tends to be higher in each size class, but instances of higher suburban income among Negroes are more likely to appear in the largest SMA's. In summary, the prevailing impression of city-suburban income differentials conveyed by the literature is essentially the pattern displayed by Northern whites, particularly those residing in the larger metropolitan areas. Higher suburban income does not characterize Negroes, nor is it generally true of smaller metropolitan areas, especially in the South.

The basic characteristics differentiating suburban areas from the central city, as developed in current literature, are related through a theory of social organization. This approach derives spatially-based social organization from population type and the social consequences of spatial aggregation. The social-political structure of suburbia is conceptualized at three organizational levels, concentric in scope: the neighborhood, the local residential community, the municipality. From their differential relations with structures at the first two levels, empirically and conceptually defined types of "local actors" are developed. Their relative involvement in the local political process is specified. A series of hypotheses deduced from the general argument specifies the relations between (1) population type, (2) household type, (3) participational type, and (4) political behavior in the local system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research reported here represents an attempt to extend this general mode of analysis to the larger incorporated suburban places lying within the rings of the largest metropolitan cities, and to determine the components of population change in two functional types of suburb "employing" and "residential" suburbs. Employing suburbs are functionally similar to metropolitan central cities in that they are "attracting" areas, drawing large numbers of workers to them every day. In contrast, residential suburbs are "dispersing" areas, sending their residents to work in other parts of the metropolitan area. Prior research indicates rather clearly that the aggregate growth of residential suburbs during the last two decades was well beyond that of employing suburbs. Moreover, this overall differential in favor of residential suburbs tended to persist when other relevant variables were controlled, and was interpreted as primarily the result of different patterns of migration. Thus the research reported here is essentially an addendum to the writer's previous study of suburban growth differentials according to functional type.

Decentralization is clearly one of the most significant movements in the long history of urban communities. In the United States the shift to the suburbs began around a few large cities toward the close of the 19th century, but it is no longer confined to a mere handful of super-cities. As time has passed, the outward thrust of urban population has become characteristic of smaller and smaller places, and there is no indication that the movement is abating. Fortunately, social scientists have charted the major trends involved in this suburban revolution during recent decades. The careful historical studies by Warren S. Thompson, Donald J. Bogue and Amos H. Hawley have described the outstanding population shifts from the turn of the century to the most recent census. They show principal patterns of growth in the major geographic components of the metropolitan area as a whole, and though they concentrate on comparisons between the central city and its surrounding ring, they also show patterns of re-distribution wit/tin these broad areas.

The objective of this paper is to examine the characteristics of suburban communities as they relate to the structuring of social relationships of the resident populations. This presumes that the form taken by these phenomena in suburban communities somehow differs from the form to be observed in other types of communities, and, furthermore, that this difference is engendered by the suburban situation. By definition suburban areas, however sub-categorized, are primarily residential areas having a peculiar location; that is, they are farther away from the center of the major city than urban neighborhoods but closer than rural neighborhoods. The ecological position differs from both urban and rural positions. It is hypothesized that this positional relationship with the larger city has a definite influence on the social organization of the suburbs. As unique characteristics of suburbs the positional relationship to a larger city and the daily commuting pattern of suburbanites would appear to have an important influence on the patterns of social interaction and participation regardless of the nature of the derivative characteristics.

This paper poses two questions: first, whether suburbanism as an ecological phenomenon is also accompanied by suburbanism as a social-psychological state, that, is, by suburbanism as a distinct way of life; and second what conceptual approaches are likely to be fruitful in investigating the suburban way of life. Suburbs contain more than their proportionate share of young married couples and their children. The evidence pointing to the dominance of reproductive and child socialization functions in suburban life has been so overwhelming that some sociologists have recently concluded that a new family form a compromise between lamilistic and companionship forms may be emerging in these areas. Suburbs are made up largely of families of middle-class status. As a result of the recent expansion of middle-class occupations, movement to the suburbs has accelerated. It seems reasonable to accept the hypothesis that suburban residents are a selected social-psychological type, oriented toward neighboring and other rural values and practices. The crucial test of the hypothesis is whether suburban residents actually do display a positive psychological orientation toward neighboring and manifest a high degree of neighboring which can be linked to ruralism either of the ecological or social-psychological variety.

Locating the boundaries of urban sub-areas has been an emerging controversial issue among sociologists over the past decade. Before that time, traditional ecologists dominated the scene by presenting rather simple and direct means of isolating sub-areas or census tracts. More recently some urban sociologists have contended that the distribution of social phenomena may not be directly dependent on variations in land use, natural barriers, and other ecological factors. They contend that the social integration of areas should be considered as important in this regard as ecological criteria. Demographers have also suggested that population indices are very sensitive to differences among the social sub-areas of cities. Other interested students have adopted a synthetic approach suggesting that ecological, demographic, and social criteria are equally important in deriving a set of urban sub-areas useful for sociological investigations. Yet, almost no research has attempted to show the relations among these criteria. During the past two years a research team at Michigan State College has attempted to attack this problem as part of a long range study in Lansing, Michigan. In the process of setting up a census tract plan, ecological, demographic and social indices were used to derive separate sub-areas for the city. The question this study posed is, What are the various implications for sociological research of subdividing a city according to one or the other of the sets of indices used?"