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The loss of /hw/ in English in words like where and wheat is virtually complete in contemporary North American English, though /hw/ has lingered in Ontario, Canada. For vernacular speech from Almonte and Parry Sound, the authors analyze the decline of /hw/ in apparent time among individuals born from the 1880s to the 1950s. They place these observations within the field of language obsolescence and suggest that Parry Sound and Almonte are examples of intermediate isolation, less profound than is typical in studies of dialect loss. Almonte has retained /hw/ much longer than Parry Sound; this pattern parallels the greater share of /hw/-ful Scots and Irish speakers in Almonte's early immigration and accords with Parry Sound's increased outside contact due to a rising tourism industry. Both communities uniformly exhibit more /hw/ in content words than in function words as the feature recedes to total absence for speakers born in the 1950s. This pattern is an example of linguistic order persisting during obsolescence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Glottalization in English has a rich history of research, most of it focusing on the origin, social characteristics, and change in the feature over time. Glottalization has been shown to be a robust variable, its form influenced by phontetic, social, and regional factors. The current study also explores these issues but with the advantage of two samples of speech: one from the 1930s comprising 17 speakers, and one from the 1990s, comprising 53 (31 females and 22 males). Most of the 1930s group, which represented all available speakers, were over 50; the 1990s sample ranged in age from childhood through old age, with the majority being 16 through 40. This time depth allows us to see the possible origin of this feature in an isolated rural area and its change over time as the regional demographics change. We present arguments that the phonetic and social factors surrounding glottalization interacted to produce a new form (glottal replacement) with newly evolving social meanings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social mechanisms that influence the direction of language change operate along the demarcations of networks of communication. Within geographic regions, the focused organizations that individuals participate in structure the lines of communication, and the sociodemographic composition (social ecology) therein limits the options of peers to associate with. Schools have their own social ecology, and attendance at schools can explain language change at a level above social interaction but below the level of community. This study uses acoustic vowel measurements from 132 Europan American speakers in three geographically contiguous cities located in northwestern Wisconsin. Modeling results indicate (1) similar sociogeographic contexts lead to linguistic similarity; (2) dissimilarity in social ecology leads to greater linguistic dissimilarity as the difference between a dyads' years of birth increases; and (3) net of local sociogeographic context and social ecology, similarity in sex and age leads to linguistic similarity and vice versa. These patterns indicate that local social ecologies further demarcate the lines of communication, thereby structuring the form of language at a level between the micro interactional and the macro level of the speech community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates a discourse-pragmatic use of the word wait in spoken North American English. This function is an extension from an original lexical meaning of pausing or lingering, which has expanded to indicate a pause in discourse as a speaker reflects on or corrects an earlier topic. Over 340 examples from 211 individuals permit comparative sociolinguistic methods and statistical modeling to offer an early assessment of the variation among alternates of this innovative use and to test for broad social and linguistic factors in order to understand the underlying processes. The results expose notable recent developments: older people use the longer, more temporally specified variants wait a minute and wait a second, while wait alone is increasing in apparent time, with women leading its advance. The robust increase in the use of wait alone (e.g., I haven't seen her yet. No wait. Yes, I have), cooccurrence with other markers (e.g., no), and the function of self-correction/commentary arises after 1970. The unique contribution of socially stratified corpora also demonstrates that this development follows well-known principles of linguistic change, as wait develops from a verb with temporal specification to a full-fledged discourse-pragmatic marker on the left periphery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

English has many words to refer to an adult man (e.g., man, guy, dude), and these are undergoing change in the Ontario dialects. This article analyzes the distribution of these and related forms using data collected in Ontario, Canada. In total, 6,788 tokens for 17 communities were extracted and analyzed with a comparative sociolinguistics methodology for social and geographic factors. The results demonstrate a substantive language change in progress with two striking patterns. First, male speakers in Ontario were the leaders of this change in the past. However, as guy gained prominence across the twentieth century, women started using it as frequently as men. Second, these developments are complicated by the complexity of the sociolinguistic landscape. There is a clear urban versus peripheral division across Ontario communities that also involves both population size and distance from the large urban center, Toronto. Further, social network type and other local influences are also important. In sum, variation in third-person singular male referents in Ontario dialects provides new insight into the co-occurrence and evolution of sociolinguistic factors in the process of language change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiple modality is spread across the wider Atlantic region, both within individual varieties and across variety types. Based on corpus-based evidence, it is argued that first and second tiers of multiple modals carry high diagnostic value and that regionally separated Anglophone areas differ in their preference for first- and second-tier components in modal constructions. Semantics is a typological diagnostic, as there exists a continuum, the "Multiple Modal Belt," that consists of three main clusters of varieties primarily differentiated by their respective compositional preferences: North American varieties favor epistemic 'weak probability' elements (e.g., might) as first-tier modals; Caribbean varieties favor 'high probability' or 'certainty' (e.g., must). Multiple causation and contact-induced change are offered as explanations for supra- and subregional variation in the Atlantic region, and there is strong evidence that the preference for second-tier components originally represented Scottish origin and subsequent diffusion with locally differing contact scenarios. Locally distinct preferences for semantic compositionality--particularly based on preference for first-tier 'high-probability' modals--are used to model a geo-typological clustering of varieties throughout the wider Atlantic region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the frequency of three traditional features of New York City English--vocalized /r/, raised tense /æ/ (BATH), and raised tense /oh/ (thought)--in the on-screen speech of 22 actors raised in the greater New York City region, in a diachronic selection of films that appeared between 1933 and 2003. Vocalization of /r/ is coded impressionistically as either present or absent; the vocalic variables are subjected to acoustic analysis. The resulting data show that the prevalence of New York City features in the actors' speech closely parallels that identified in both historical accounts of New York City English and more recent sociolinguistic studies of the speech of ordinary people. The data also correspond well with previous research on nonfilm speech in showing a decline in the frequency of traditional variants starting in the 1960s, at least for some speakers. Sociolinguistic analysis of more recent films and characters indicates a shifting social evaluation of traditional New York City English. This underlies a divergence between speakers who continue to use traditional dialect features, which now have exclusively covert, local prestige, and those who converge with nonlocal speech norms, which carry overt, global prestige. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

this article presents results of apparent- and real-time study of dialect variation and change in Smith island, a small community in Maryland's Chesapeake Bay characterized by a dwindling population and increasing contact with mainlanders. Data come from an original apparent-time study gathered in 1985, a restudy conducted in 2000, and an ongoing restudy begun in 2015. Analysis methods include quantitative sociolinguistic analysis of select features in the two previous studies, acoustic phonetic analysis of the vowel space of individuals in the current study, and holistic observations regarding the course of dialect change in the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Key sociolinguistic issues addressed include the nature of the phonological systems of small, rural communities at the periphery of larger dialect areas; possible pathways of dialect change in endangerment situations; and the role of the social meanings of language varieties and variants in shaping the course of language change in the face of increasing cultural and linguistic contact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article talks about univerbation, a type of language change that entails unification of a syntactic phrase or construction into a single word. Topics discussed include helluva, an example of univerbation in American English that has not been treated in scholarly literature yet, and the use of helluva with plural nouns amongst speakers of American English.

Do the people who lead in one linguistic change, lead in others? Previous work has suggested that they do not, but the topic has not been addressed extensively with nonphonological, spoken data. This article answers this question through an examination of lexical, morphosyntactic, and discourse-pragmatic changes in progress in Canadian English as spoken in the largest urban center of the country, Toronto. Close scrutiny of the behavior of individuals across multiple linguistic variables (i.e., covariation) and using the Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient tests the use of incoming variants both by the community of speakers as a whole and by those who are leading change. The innovative variants of quotatives (be like), intensifiers (really, so), deontic modality (have to), stative possession (have), and general extenders (and stuff) demonstrate that the leaders of these multiple linguistic changes have common social characteristics (e.g., women lead more than one change), but it is not the case that any one individual in a community will be at the forefront of more than one change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses language changes and social media. Topics discussed include microblog website Twitter, online data collection and statistical analysis. Other topics which includes vernacular English, teaching linguistics and communication trends are also discussed. Further, logistic regression is mentioned.

Aside from work on grammaticalization and related research, previous approaches to lexical-semantic change typically focus on taxonomies of products of change but do not consider the impetus or process for changes nor how to capture multiple semantic changes. This article undertakes case studies of dope, hot dog, and tweak, taking definitions from the Oxford English Dictionary and Urban Dictionary and then cataloging instances from the Corpus of Historical American English and the Corpus of Contemporary American English to show how variegated change can be within one language in a relatively brief time period, 1812-2012. Usage is tracked over time as well as across text type and in specific fields. Finally, this article concludes with a discussion some implications of the case studies for understanding lexical-semantic change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 30-year period between the collection of the original LAGS (Linguistic Atlas of the Gulf States) data and the collection of this data in 2001, the field of agriculture has undergone sweeping changes, and the people of southwest Georgia, as a rule, are less focused on agriculture, having turned to other occupations. By replicating a small portion of the original LAGS study using modern speakers as subjects, the study shows that lexical change in farming words during this time stems from changing agricultural methods, technological advancements, and the increased availability of information. The various Linguistic Atlas Projects provide contemporary researchers with a wealth of data that can and should be mined in conjunction with new research to study the forces involved in language change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the dialect boundary that separates the eastern and western halves of North Carolina using data collected by two very different projects, the Linguistic Atlas of the Middle and South Atlantic States (LAMSAS) and the Corpus of American Civil War Letters (CACWL). Using LAMSAS data collected in the 1930s from speakers born in the late-nineteenth century, Hans Kurath posited that such a boundary extended across North Carolina northward into Virginia and southwestward into South Carolina and that it demarcated the South Midland speech region from the South. An analysis of lexical and grammatical variants in the 2,299 letters (representing one million words) of the CACWL North Carolina sample provides important real-time confirmation of Kurath's claim for the boundary. It also suggests that the boundary was established well before the beginning of the Civil War. No doubt the South-South Midland boundary in North Carolina was in large part a consequence of the migration of Scotch-Irish and German settlers from Pennsylvania into the western half of the state before the end of the eighteenth century. However, while the Scotch-Irish influence appears to have remained strong and perhaps even spread in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the German influence was already on the decline toward the end of the antebellum period and had almost disappeared by the time the LAMSAS fieldwork was carried out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores two variables that largely have been ignored in studies of language variation and language change: frequency and individual speaker. In doing so, it demonstrates the usefulness of the A-curve, an asymptotic hyperbolic graphic representation of language variation bases on usage. Data are drawn from varieties of English: two Afro-Caribbean vernaculars (Antiguan and Negerhollands) and East Sutherland Gaelic. Because both Negerhollands and East Sutherland Gaelic were moribund when the data discusses here were collected and both are characterized by personally patterned variation, the histories of these varieties are briefly considered. The article concludes that both FREQUENCY and INDIVIDUAL SPEAKER are essential for a full understanding of the ways in which language users deploy their linguistic resources and, thus, are critical for our understanding of human language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article introduces this special issue focused on linguistic changes to spoken American English as part of the Linguistic Atlas Projects (LAP) conducted during the late 20th century.

This article discusses linguistics and speech in the United States. The Southern American term "you-all" is analyzed by the author. The author finds that the singular usage of the term is much rarer than the plural usage of the term, but that "you all" is still sometimes offered to address a singular audience. The author offers six separate ways in which "you-all" is used on common lexicon. The author also notes that the term "you-all" has spread far beyond the Southern United States, and has become part of common U.S. lexicon.

Discusses advances made by sociolinguistic researchers in understanding the actuation, embedding and transition of language change. Theoretical assumptions about change over time; Importance of real-time, longitudinal studies of synchronic language change; Call for sociolinguists to make real-time studies a staple methodology in sociolinguistics.

Criticizes some of the members of the Usage Panel of the 'American Heritage Dictionary,' on their alleged lack of qualification in evaluating popular usages. Views on the disapproval to linguistic change; Analysis of the factors used to measure acceptability of popular usages; Implications for grammarians.

Presents a list of articles that are related to language study. 'Some Social Aspects of Paralanguage,' by William M. Austin; 'Linguistic Change in Present-Day English,' by Charles Laurence Barber; 'The Long Trail; What the British Soldier Sang in the Great War of 1914-18,' edited by John Brophy and Eric Partridge; 'A Glimpse Into Records at Surry Courthouse, Virginia,' by Dorothy Cox Moore; 'Social Dialects and Language Learning,' edited by Roger W. Shuy.

Discusses the rate of change in the American English language in terms of alterations in form and structure, including phonology, as of May 1956. Definition of the term language; Evidence showing the rapid change in standard English; Difficulties in establishing rates of linguistic change for past periods of language.

Discusses lexical change in the English language. Role of the mass media in bringing about the change; Change of the classification of the term 'enchilada' in the 'Dictionary of the American Regional English'; Result of survey on terms used in children's games.

Discusses changes in the pronunciation and spelling of English words. Changes affecting the least frequent words first; Opposite pattern with sound changes, which tend to affect most frequent words first; Explanation for the connection between word frequency and lexical diffusion.

Focuses on sound changes in the English language of the United States called the Northern Cities Shift (NCS). Issues of interest to phonologists, sociolinguists, historical linguists and dialectologists; Possibility that NCS pronunciation will become standard in American speech; Study of American dialects.

Focuses on phonological change in Alabama's White English. Shift of vowels into different positions, or from glided to unglided, or the reverse; Stability of consonants; Phonology of African Americans and the phonological change taking place in that community.

Evidence for the likely presence of a significant population of Anglophone slaves and ex-slaves exerting considerable pressure from below in the shift from French to English in the nineteenth century is put forth.