Search

This paper argues that a politics of scale plays a fundamental but uninterrogated role in internationalised criminal justice processes such as hybrid tribunals. Scale discourses—producing specific notions of "the international" and "the local"—are so naturalised in these endeavours that their regressive effects remain unacknowledged. Following Annelise Riles' ground‐breaking analysis of the politics of scale in colonial law, and feminist critiques of scale discourse in accounts of globalisation and conflict, we think critically about "the international" and "the local" in a postcolonial and post‐conflict justice context. Using the case of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), we specifically examine the operation and effects of discourses of "international standards" and "local ownership". We argue that denaturalising scale in international criminal justice would serve a wider project to decolonise international law and address the specific forms of disenfranchisement currently enacted by dominant "scales of justice". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses (homo)sexualization as entrepreneurial strategy in Buenos Aires. City-marketing capitalizes on Buenos Aires' reputed passion and tolerance. Yet homonormative framings collide with politicized cultures of sexual dissidence. Cultural entrepreneurialism promotes profit-making sexual diversity, but social actors also construct their queerness outside, even in opposition to, market-driven urbanism. This paper argues that queered tango practices differ from those of mainstream LGBT circuits and coalesce with those who contest the genre's touristification, designed to trigger selective redevelopment. The paper first examines the explanatory purchase of cultural entrepreneurialism and homonormativity outside Euro-America. Empirical sections then show that the redefinition/re-territorialization of gayness aggravates socio-spatial fragmentation, while governmental appropriations of tango legitimize exclusionary world-class-city politics. Nevertheless, the paper's first-person ethnography of queer tango uncovers territories of radical difference and trans-local solidarity networks. The paper ends by suggesting the need for further research into the conflictive intersections between urban globalization and globalizing queerness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Neil Smith's American Empire (2003, University of California Press), he makes the case that the current moment of US global ambition is characterized by a network of imperial power that is 'exercised in the first place through the world market and only secondarily, when and if necessary, in geopolitical terms'. For Smith, it was crucial that in the din of US geopolitics in the post-9/11 period we did not lose sight of 'the deeper geo-economic aspiration for global control', in a 'war on terror' that is really a war to 'fill in the interstices of globalization' (p xiv). In American Empire, Smith identified three moments of US global ambition over the last century. In this paper, I extend back the starting point for Smith's third moment to a period in the 1990s when United States Central Command (CENTCOM) became fully operational in the military-economic securitization of the most pivotal region on earth, what it terms the 'Central Region'. By drawing on the concept of 'geoeconomics', which Smith increasingly used in his later writing, I show how CENTCOM's mission from the outset can be most aptly described as one of 'geoeconomic deterrence'. I highlight in particular how enabling commercial markets has been a key element of grand strategy in what CENTCOM calls its 'long war' in the Middle East and Central Asia. In addition, I outline recent calls for the US military to become further and more broadly involved in what some commentators have called 'messy capitalism'. I ask the question what kind of capitalism and in whose interests, before concluding by reflecting upon Neil Smith's assessment of the fated contradictions of contemporary US imperial ambition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper Martin Heidegger's notions about dwelling in the sites of finitude and 'power-free' ( Macht-los) 'letting-be' ( Gelassenheit) are explored as fundamental possibilities for resisting the ontological violence posed by global capitalism, the planetary outcome of the metaphysical condition Heidegger calls the 'machination' ( Machenschaft). Beginning from the planetary machination-the emergence of the flexible and circularly functioning power of calculative intelligibility-resistance is understood ontologically and hence as a radical critique of power as a consummation of the history of the metaphysical constitution of being. The paper culminates in a discussion of Heidegger's view on the awakening of the 'other beginning' of the abyssal 'Event' of being, a groundless 'time-space-play' capable of constituting an alternative modality of relations no longer based upon the calculative functions of power but upon groundless thought and non-violent dwelling in the earth-sites of finite being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent developments in spatial political economy have shown that the shift of power from the national state to subnational states in many Western European countries does not represent a dismantling of the state, but a reconfiguration of statehood that the national state proactively takes part in. The existing literature, however, neglects the path-dependent and contested nature of state spatiality and depicts devolution as the only possible option. In contrast, this paper shows that changes in state spatiality are contingent upon historical and spatial context, where the state may choose to pursue different options. Based on an empirical study of South Korea, this paper shows that the national state may choose to resist the pressure for devolution. The methodological contribution of this paper is on the emphasis of discursive strategy in the study of state spatiality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In discussing the lifestyle and practices of the Paris group of the contemporary surrealist movement, this paper contributes to debates within economic and political geography that seek to develop the imagining of alternatives to neoliberal globalisation through practices of resistance, and spaces of political and policy engagement. The everyday life of the surrealist movement, in combining creativity with progressive choices and radical economic practices that oppose capitalism, while intellectually investigating ideas of revolution, a different society and utopia, suggests a perspective that contributes to the imagining of such alternatives. This paper outlines the deeply embedded nature of surrealist activity in opposing capitalism and illustrates, as one member of the surrealist group suggests, in quoting Baudelaire, surrealism's insistence for a world in which“action is the sister of dream”. The paper further contributes to discussion on the role of academics in facilitating spaces of political engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars are now well attuned to the geographies of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) tolerance and intolerance across the world's countries. Yet, the ways in which the global and national dimensions of LGBT politics are tied to the world's cities have received limited attention; a particularly important omission since we have witnessed the stunning development whereby sexual difference is increasingly marshaled as a symbol of progress and modernity for the purposes of fostering national and urban competitiveness in various contexts. To frame the remaining papers in this symposium, this introductory article puts work on sexuality and the city into conversation with debates on global urbanism. It thus provides a framework for understanding the worlding of queerness that focuses on the relationships between globalization, urbanization and sexual politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the evolving relationship between class and capital in the neoliberalised global wine industry. Wine is a unique sector that is possessed of intricate and underexplored aspects of class formation. Having investigated the recent restructuring of the industry under neoliberalism the paper goes on to analyse class formations in the production and consumption spheres. In this discussion we note not only the concrete economic and social dynamics of change, in terms of the differing fortunes of consumers, investors, landowners and workers, but also the physical and symbolic expressions of class in and through the countryside, as manifested in changing landscapes, discourses and idylls. In conclusion we analyse relationship between capital, class formation and accumulation across and within different scales in the context of a rapidly globalising sector that is so rooted in place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the ways that constitutive elements of globalization—including a celebration of risk, reduction in state funding for social reproduction in developed nations and pressures to modernize in underdeveloped ones—are being “smuggled in” in the guise of new discourses around youth and childhood. Far from being a byproduct of capitalism in its various phases, youth and childhood can be located at its literal and figurative core. In a crude characterization of the global map as it has emerged in over the past twenty years, one would find a world drawn roughly into three parts—and in each of these parts, youth and childhood is being restructured in a distinct way. These divisions look suspiciously like the earlier global models of developed, developing and underdeveloped nations, but the nature of the exclusions that sustain them spell particularly bad news for the world's young people. Modern ideals of youth and childhood that became hegemonic in the West over the past century are being exported to non-Western contexts in which resources to adequately reproduce these forms are sadly lacking. At the same time, in Western settings over the past two decades, such resources have been eroded for children and young people, and celebrated aspects of “youthfulness” have been displaced to adults to justify lifelong learning and the increasing assumption of risk by older workers. The paper urges a move away from the study of behaviors of “children and adults” as static categories and towards an exploration of shifting norms and forms of “childhood and aging” as dynamic processes that both help to constitute and are constituted by a new political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the recent history of cabin crew in the airline industry. It argues that as companies have become more complex and interconnected during the process of globalisation in the 1990s, a dialectic has been at work that provides workers with a newfound power. Lessons are drawn from the British Airways cabin crew strike of 1997, in which workers successfully resisted attempts to remove union recognition. These involve questions of action at global and local scale, and new strategies devised by the union concerned. Lastly, the paper discusses the post-September 11, 2001 climate and suggests that cabin crew have an opportunity to reaffirm their indispensability to airline safety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether writing about gentrification or nature, the production of space or the politics of scale, uneven development or public space, globalization or revolution, the geographer Neil Smith was nothing if not provocative. Neither Festschrift nor hagiography, this special issue of Antipode critically engages Smith's work-not to unpick the rich tapestry, but to draw the threads out and spin them on in new directions. Consisting of newly commissioned essays by comrades from across the human sciences, it considers the entire range of Smith's oeuvre. This paper introduces the essays by offering not only some thoughts about Smith's intellectual contributions generally, but also new insight into the role he played in Antipode. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New state spaces can be seen as products of the interaction between emerging initiatives and pre-existing institutional arrangements (, Space and Polity 2:5-31). In the devolved territories of the UK devolution has created new political centres of policy formulation and this paper is concerned with how devolved policy initiatives are reshaping and rescaling sub-national spaces of governance. We focus on the rescaling of transport governance in Scotland through a nationally orchestrated process of regionalisation involving the creation of Regional Transport Partnerships (RTPs), an initiative that has been shaped by tensions between changing national political objectives and local interests. Our approach draws on Neil Brenner's 'new state spaces' (NSS) framework, which has value in emphasising the historically embedded and path-dependent nature of restructuring processes. At the same time, its abstract nature leads the NSS approach to privilege the broad processes that generate new configurations of state power over the complex politics associated with the restructuring of particular spaces. In response, we suggest a new theoretical synthesis that draws NSS together with the ancillary notions of 'regional armatures' and 'the politics of scale' to provide a stronger purchase on the political agency and struggles that 'form' and 'mould' particular spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the geographies of taxation offer an important but neglected insight into changes taking place in the nature of the contemporary state in the context of globalisation. Following Schumpeter's analysis of the “tax state”, the paper argues that, historically, the theory and practice of fiscal space are fundamental both to state form and to the possibility of political and social institutions. Despite this, the complexity and fluidity inherent in fiscal space has been obscured by the dominant normative conception of “the” fiscal state. As the concept of “fiscal sovereignty” becomes less and less salient in practice in the context of economic globalisation, it remains a powerful ideological concept for state governance. This paper reviews the primary contemporary accounts of fiscal space across a range of disciplinary contexts and scales of governance. Despite the expectation and or desire for some form of “fiscal globalisation” on the part of commentators, in practice what we see is an increased centralisation of state fiscal control coupled with a creeping individuation and privatisation of fiscal responsibility. This radical respatialisation of fiscal space has profound implications both for the state itself and for any prospect of the creation of a global “public domain” founded on a global fisc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that rejecting a bounded notion of past struggles can generate stories that resonate with the diverse and spatially stretched resistances to neoliberal globalisation. It explores some of the routes and connections which made up subaltern struggles in eighteenth-century London. It uses these stories to position militant particularisms as mobile, as the product of interrelations and as actively negotiating spatial relations rather than as fixed, bounded, origins of political struggles. The final section of the paper uses this re-imagining of militant particularisms to address key tensions in counter-globalisation politics. The paper argues that choices between local or global resistance are false and destructive of political possibilities. It contends that connections between different place-located struggles are crucial to opposing exclusionary nationalist oppositions to globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses several events in New York in the late 1990s to launch two central arguments about the changing relationship between neoliberal urbanism and so–called globalization. First, much as the neoliberal state becomes a consummate agent of—rather than a regulator of—the market, the new revanchist urbanism that replaces liberal urban policy in cities of the advanced capitalist world increasingly expresses the impulses of capitalist production rather than social reproduction. As globalization bespeaks a rescaling of the global, the scale of the urban is recast. The true global cities may be the rapidly growing metropolitan economies of Asia, Latin America, and (to a lesser extent) Africa, as much as the command centers of Europe, North America and Japan. Second, the process of gentrification, which initially emerged as a sporadic, quaint, and local anomaly in the housing markets of some command–center cities, is now thoroughly generalized as an urban strategy that takes over from liberal urban policy. No longer isolated or restricted to Europe, North America, or Oceania, the impulse behind gentrification is now generalized; its incidence is global, and it is densely connected into the circuits of global capital and cultural circulation. What connects these two arguments is the shift from an urban scale defined according to the conditions of social reproduction to one in which the investment of productive capital holds definitive precedence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hotels and hotel chains are responding to globalization and increased competition through new marketing initiatives, employment practices, and restructuring decisions that are intensifying the work of cleaners. In this paper, we report on how such work intensification at two hotels in Montréal, Canada, is changing the nature of cleaners’ jobs. Specifically, we found that the numbers of operations to be completed, the numbers and weights of items to be cleaned, and the effort involved have all increased. “Flexible” employment relationships and outsourcing have also worsened cleaners’ workloads. In response to our research, the labour union representing cleaners has negotiated a lower number of room assignments per cleaner, as well as an improved way of taking into account the variability of work when determining the quota of rooms to be cleaned. Despite this, new marketing strategies continue to intensify work. We conclude that standards and regulation on a governmental level are a necessary complement to union actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been growing interest in the prospects for a new trade union internationalism in recent years, following the end of the Cold War and the coming together of the main national union organisations into one confederation, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions(ICFTU). For the first time in decades, geopolitical straitjackets and defensive nationalistic postures are giving way to more open, internationalist perspectives as unions attempt to get to grips with global capitalism. However, despite some well-publicised grassroots globalisation campaigns, effective international labour organising and networking remains thin on the ground. One of the reasons for this is that, despite the rhetoric of globalisation and the reality of multi-layered governance, the“national” space remains the critical scale at which unions operate. Variations in both union organisation and the politico-institutional context within which unions operate nationally continue to shape international solidarity activities. This theme is pursued in this paper through the contrasting cases of the UK and Norwegian trade union movements. Although both union movements have been subject to similar problems in recent years, in terms of membership decline and the pressures of increasing global economic integration, the different national political and economic contexts within which unions are embedded have been important in facilitating or constraining international strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to bring together debates on anti-corporate protest with discussions on the nature of corporate responsibility. It does so in order to examine the implications of this interaction between conflicting social forces for the constitution of citizenship on the one hand, and for an understanding of the corporation on the other. I first identify the significance of anti-corporate activism within the current anti-globalisation movement. The proclaimed emergence of an era of corporate citizenship is then examined. The spaces of engagement between anti-corporate activism and corporate social responsibility are constructed through a variety of means, including ethical trading initiatives and corporate codes of conduct. In interpreting these engagements, I identify three contrasting perspectives on the spaces of citizenship that might result. These stress in turn the turbulence of a global civil society, the re-definition of the national state, and the spatial discontinuities of democracy. I also situate corporate social responsibility practices as part of the discursive narrative of the corporate form, enabling a consideration of the extent to which it is potentially possible to de-centre the corporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to bring together debates on anti-corporate protest with discussions on the nature of corporate responsibility. It does so in order to examine the implications of this interaction between conflicting social forces for the constitution of citizenship on the one hand, and for an understanding of the corporation on the other. I first identify the significance of anti-corporate activism within the current anti-globalisation movement. The proclaimed emergence of an era of corporate citizenship is then examined. The spaces of engagement between anti-corporate activism and corporate social responsibility are constructed through a variety of means, including ethical trading initiatives and corporate codes of conduct. In interpreting these engagements, I identify three contrasting perspectives on the spaces of citizenship that might result. These stress in turn the turbulence of a global civil society, the re-definition of the national state, and the spatial discontinuities of democracy. I also situate corporate social responsibility practices as part of the discursive narrative of the corporate form, enabling a consideration of the extent to which it is potentially possible to de-centre the corporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational coordination is a key aspiration of activists seeking to mobilize globally, yet the literature pays insufficient attention to the impact of cultural differences on transnational networking. In this article I draw on ethnographic data from three European autonomous social movement encounters in the Global Justice Movement (2002-2004) to demonstrate the impact of culture clashes between activists on transnational networking. I use the concept of habitus to explore how routinized, taken for granted, symbolic systems of meaning that individuals from shared locations have in common shape their interactions in transnational encounters. This conception of culture is underutilized in social movement analysis yet offers important insights into internal movement dynamics. I argue that despite the autonomous commitment to radical openness and plurality, a lack of attention to the empirical reality of place-based activist subcultures and habitus actually works against the 'cosmopolitanism' that many activists and scholars aspire to. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Internationalism of the subaltern classes has a long and tortuous history and different patterns of space and scale management. To think of contemporary social movements, internationalism involves analyzing how different spatial-geographical levels of resistance are interrelated. Globalization has led to a mutation in the spatial and temporal conditions of political activity and collective protest and thus for internationalist activity. The concept used by Bensaïd of 'sliding scale of spaces' seems particularly adequate to deal with the changing and complex geographies of capitalist globalization. Though all scales are not equivalent, internationalism requires the capacity to act in all of them and taking into account this plurality of spaces and their mutual influence. Managing the sliding scale of spaces is then a key strategic element of contemporary internationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many cities both rich and poor, new forms of outdoor advertising are emerging with potentially significant implications for the nature of the urban public realm. Public-private partnerships for advertising-funded provision of basic items of urban infrastructure such as bus shelters, street signs and public telephones have grown as a result of structural changes in the advertising industry and shifts towards neoliberal forms of urban governance. This article critically interrogates the implications of these new outdoor advertising arrangements for the urban public realm, and argues that they have potentially harmful consequences for the accessibility and diversity of the outdoor media landscape. It then proposes three strategies for the democratisation of that landscape. These strategies are not premised on an outright rejection of outdoor advertising, but rather seek to contest the monopolistic capture of outdoor media by public-private partnerships involving urban authorities and outdoor advertising companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discursive-constructivist accounts of identity have made a significant contribution to our understanding of how national identities change. Unfortunately, they have also turned our attention away from the role that the global economic system plays in the constitution and transformation of collective identities. This article draws attention to the shortcomings of discursive-constructivist approaches by scrutinizing the identity transformations that took place within the Turkish-Cypriot community in Northern Cyprus in the last decade. It suggests that within the context of contemporary globalization and EUropeanization, the (trans-)formation of national identities cannot be fully understood without taking the functioning of the global capitalist system into account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops an understanding of the internationalization of the state which draws on materialist state theory, regulation theory and the scale debate in radical geography. It introduces the concept of 'second-order condensations of societal relationships of forces' which aims at advancing Poulantzas' state theoretical approach and applying it to the analysis of international state apparatuses, their functions and their relationship to state apparatuses on other spatial scales. The empirical and political relevance of the theoretical considerations is elucidated with examples from international resource and environmental policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to assertions that the capitalist state is either losing control or that it has returned, this article argues that during the last two decades the state itself has been reshaped. To understand the processes that the capitalist state is exposed to it is necessary to conceive of it as a series of form-specific practices. Which practices form 'the state' is not a result of pre-given institutions but of conflicts and struggles. The capitalist state, separated as it is from the relations of production, must not be made synonymous with the national state. Only as a result of certain relations of force does bourgeois rule acquire the form of the national state. These relations between classes are currently being dissolved by the ruling classes. The capitalist state is being reorganized and is constructing new elements of a transnational network state, whilst the state itself is governed through new techniques-that is, those of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The state is often described in transition: public spaces are rearranged by private companies, national social welfare is being privatized to some extent, and supranational institutions have more influence on national policies. 'A view from the kitchen' (Diane Elson) is helpful for understanding the changing dynamics of states and societies because different women are affected by these policies in different and often ambiguous ways: women of the globalized South migrate to the North, creating global care chains, while women in Western industrialized countries are confronted with changing welfare regimes, leaving mainly highly educated women to profit from this situation. This article contributes to feminist debates on economic globalization and state internationalization. Our feminist materialist perspective allows a critical view on dominance and power in 'governance'. Thus, the article adds to feminist debates on globalization from the perspective of state transformation and to debates on governance from the perspective of state transformation grounded in gendered social relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has not been a retreat but a transformation of the state, involving significant changes in both the public sphere of politics and the so-called private sphere of economic activity, and in their modes of interaction, especially law. The privatization of state-owned assets and the reduction of direct state economic intervention have not led to a reduced role of the state but to changes in its form, involving new types of formalized regulation, the fragmentation of the public sphere, the decentering of the state and the emergence of multi-level governance. This has been complemented by the increased salience of 'private' regulation, so that in many ways the apparently private sphere of economic activity has become more public. In fact, there has been a complex process of interaction with a blurring of the divisions between apparently private and public regulation. Despite talk of deregulation there has been extensive reregulation, or formalization of regulation, and the emergence of global regulatory networks, intermingling the public and the private. The transition from government to governance means a lack of a clear hierarchy of norms, a blurring of distinctions between hard and soft law, and a fragmentation of public functions entailing a resurgence of technocracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relocation of thousands of call centre and back office jobs from the UK to subcontractors in India in the early 2000s led to extensive speculation that the “globalisation” and “jobs flight” of service work was underway. Yet as this article illustrates some call centre customer services do not easily transfer to different local, social and cultural contexts. Call centre operations are embedded in local social relations and taken for granted skills that are difficult to reproduce outside of the locality which has produced them. Nevertheless the spatial dispersal of work can be as much a political process as it is an economic one. This article, which follows the journey of 1000 call centre jobs from the UK to India, illuminates how subcontracting service work “offshore” can facilitate a transformation of the employment relation and an escape from a difficult to discipline labour force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development economist Dani Rodrik recently declared that “the globalization consensus is dead”. The claim has momentus implications, because this consensus has steered economic policy around the world for the past quarter century. It emanates from the heartland of neoclassical economics, and defines the central tasks of the Washington-based organizations which claim to speak for the world. This essay answers two main questions. First, is Rodrik's claim true, and by what measures of “consensus”? Second, to the extent that the consensus has substantially weakened, is the state returning to the heart of economic life, as Karl Polanyi might have predicted? The answers? First, the globalization consensus about desirable economic policy has weakened, though it is far from “dead”. Second, the western state is returning to the heart of economic life in response to the current global economic crisis, but will retreat soon after national economies recover—because unless the crisis becomes a second Great Depression, the norms of more free markets and more global economic integration will be politically challenged only at the margins. New rules of finance may be introduced, but with enough loopholes that by 2015 Wall Street and the City will operate in much the same way as in the recent pre-crisis past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on a proposed study about the investigation of migrant workers in Kerala, South India. The proposed study seeks to situate migration from north and north-eastern India to the urban infrastructure of Kerala. According to the author, the study will illustrate the globalization that puts the questions on migrant agency, and the push-pull framework to understand the migration scenario in a regional, and sub-national setting. It offers the study's objectives, including the examination of the strategy of labor migration, and to locate the movement of workers in Kerala.

Based on a case study of the 2003 severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreak in Toronto, Canada, this article suggests that we may have to rethink our common perception of what urban governance entails. Rather than operating solely in the conceptual proximity of social cohesion and economic competitiveness, urban governance may soon prove to be more centrally concerned with questions of widespread disease, life and death and the construction of new internal boundaries and regulations just at the time that globalization seems to suggest the breakdown of some traditional scalar incisions such as national boundaries in a post-Westphalian environment. We argue that urban governance must face the new (or reemerging) challenge of dealing with infectious disease in the context of the “new normal” and that global health governance may be better off by taking the possibilities that rest in metropolitan governance more seriously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the redefinition of strategies of international solidarity and action in trade unions with regards to the South African Municipal Workers' Union (SAMWU). Organizational background of SAMWU; Concept of globalization; Influence of global hegemony of market-oriented approaches on the democratic political system; Challenges of liberalization.

Discusses the wide-spread form of neoliberal geopolitics implicated in American war-making. Argument that this geopolitical world vision is closely connected to neoliberal idealism about the virtues of free markets, openness, and global economic integration; Description of economic globalization; Analyses of the Iraq war from the perspective of the neoliberal geopolitical vision.