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In the last decade, the Poincaré conjecture has probably been the most famous statement among all the contributions of Poincaré to the mathematics community. There have been many papers and books that describe various attempts and the final works of Perelman leading to a positive solution to the conjecture, but the evolution of Poincaré's works leading to this conjecture has not been carefully discussed or described, and some other historical aspects about it have not been addressed either. For example, one question is how it fits into the overall work of Poincaré in topology, and what are some other related questions that he had raised. Since Poincaré did not state the Poincaré conjecture as a conjecture but rather raised it as a question, one natural question is why he did this. In order to address these issues, in this paper, we examine Poincaré's works in topology in the framework of classifying manifolds through numerical and algebraic invariants. Consequently, we also provide a full history of the formulation of the Poincaré conjecture which is richer than what is usually described and accepted and hence gain a better understanding of overall works of Poincaré in topology. In addition, this analysis clarifies a puzzling question on the relation between Poincaré's stated motivations for topology and the Poincaré conjecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary This paper investigates the fate of Thomas Harriot's algebra after his death in 1621 and, in particular, the largely unsuccessful efforts of seventeenth-century mathematicians to promote it. The little known surviving manuscripts of Nathaniel Torporley have been used to elucidate the roles of Torporley and Walter Warner in the preparation of the Praxis, and a partial translation of Torporley's important critique of the Praxis is offered here for the first time. The known whereabouts of Harriot's mathematical papers, both originals and copies, during the seventeenth century and later are summarised. John Wallis's controversial 1685 account of Harriot's algebra is examined in detail and it is argued that John Pell's influence on Wallis was far more significant than has previously been realised. The paper ends with a reassessment of Harriot's underrated and important contribution to the development of modern algebra. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the history of mathematics, the algebraic theory of semigroups is a relative new-comer, with the theory proper developing only in the second half of the twentieth century. Before this, however, much groundwork was laid by researchers arriving at the study of semigroups from the directions of both group and ring theory. In this paper, we will trace some major strands in the early development of the algebraic theory of semigroups. We will begin with the aspects of the theory which were directly inspired by, and were analogous to, existing results for both groups and rings, before moving on to consider the first independent theorems on semigroups: theorems with no group or ring analogues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theory of nonnegative matrices is an example of a theory motivated in its origins and development by purely mathematical concerns that later proved to have a remarkably broad spectrum of applications to such diverse fields as probability theory, numerical analysis, economics, dynamical programming, and demography. At the heart of the theory is what is usually known as the Perron–Frobenius Theorem. It was inspired by a theorem of Oskar Perron on positive matrices, usually called Perron’s Theorem. This paper is primarily concerned with the origins of Perron’s Theorem in his masterful work on ordinary and generalized continued fractions (1907) and its role in inspiring the remarkable work of Frobenius on nonnegative matrices (1912) that produced, inter alia, the Perron–Frobenius Theorem. The paper is not at all intended exclusively for readers with expertise in the theory of nonnegative matrices. Anyone with a basic grounding in linear algebra should be able to read this article and come away with a good understanding of the Perron–Frobenius Theorem as well as its historical origins. The final section of the paper considers the first major application of the Perron–Frobenius Theorem, namely, to the theory of Markov chains. When he introduced the eponymous chains in 1908, Markov adumbrated several key notions and results of the Perron–Frobenius theory albeit within the much simpler context of stochastic matrices; but it was by means of Frobenius’ 1912 paper that the linear algebraic foundations of Markov’s theory for nonpositive stochastic matrices were first established by R. Von Mises and V.I. Romanovsky. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the framework of the De Regula Aliza (1570), Cardano paid much attention to the so-called splittings for the family of equations x3=a1x+a0; my previous article (Confalonieri in Arch Hist Exact Sci 69:257-289, 2015a) deals at length with them and, especially, with their role in the Ars Magna in relation to the solution methods for cubic equations. Significantly, the method of the splittings in the De Regula Aliza helps to account for how Cardano dealt with equations, which cannot be inferred from his other algebraic treatises. In the present paper, this topic is further developed, the focus now being directed to the origins of the splittings. First, we investigate Cardano’s research in the Ars Magna Arithmeticae on the shapes for irrational solutions of cubic equations with rational coefficients and on the general shapes for the solutions of any cubic equation. It turns out that these inquiries pre-exist Cardano’s research on substitutions and cubic formulae, which will later be the privileged methods for dealing with cubic equations; at an earlier time, Cardano had hoped to gather information on the general case by exploiting analogies with the particular case of irrational solutions. Accordingly, the Ars Magna Arithmeticae is revealed to be truly a treatise on the shapes of solutions of cubic equations. Afterwards, we consider the temporary patch given by Cardano in the Ars Magna to overcome the problem entailed by the casus irreducibilis as it emerges once the complete picture of the solution methods for all families of cubic equations has been outlined. When Cardano had to face the difficulty that appears if one deals with cubic equations using the brand-new methods of substitutions and cubic formulae, he reverted back to the well-known inquiries on the shape of solutions. In this way, the relation between the splittings and the older inquiries on the shape of solutions comes to light; furthermore, this enables the splittings to be dated 1542 or later. The last section of the present paper then expounds the passages from the Aliza that allow us to trace back the origins of the substitution x=y+z, which is fundamental not only to the method of the splittings but also to the discovery of the cubic formulae. In this way, an insight into Cardano’s way of dealing with equations using quadratic irrational numbers and other selected kinds of binomials and trinomials will be provided; moreover, this will display the role of the analysis of the shapes of solutions in the framework of Cardano’s algebraic works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article states that traditionally, the words "collaboration," and "principal theorem in division algebras in the 1930's" are associated with the celebrated German trio of mathematicians, Richard Brauer, Helmut Hasse and Emmy Noether. In fact, Brauer, Hasse, and Noether formed one of the collaborative efforts that led to the proof of the principal theorem in linear algebras in the 1930's, that is, the structural description of normal division algebras over an algebraic number field.

In this article, we give a summary of Leonhard Euler’s work on the pentagonal number theorem. First we discuss related work of earlier authors and Euler himself. We then review Euler’s correspondence, papers and notebook entries about the pentagonal number theorem and its applications to divisor sums and integer partitions. In particular, we work out the details of an unpublished proof of the pentagonal number theorem from Euler’s notebooks. As we follow Euler’s discovery and proofs of the pentagonal number theorem, we pay attention to Euler’s ideas about when we can consider a mathematical statement to be true. Finally, we discuss related results in the theory of analytic functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the symbolical algebra of matrices by mathematician Georg Frobenius. It discusses how and in what sense Frobenius collaborated matrix algebra with the techniques of Berlin-style linear algebra. It also notes on the extent to which the example set by Frobenius' several uses of matrix algebra played a role in making it a standard tool of linear algebra in the twentieth century.

The article presents an analysis of Helmut Hasse's study on the arithmetic and algebra of hypercomplex number systems. The arithmetic approach that every normal division algebra over an algebraic number is cyclic was more than enough to give Hasse the confidence to continue to explore theses ideas. His interest was not only the establishment of linear associative algebra but of its articulation to the mathematical community as well.

In Cardano's classification in the Ars Magna (1545, 1570), the cubic equations were arranged in thirteen families. This paper examines the well-known solution methods for the families $$x^3 + a_1x = a_0$$ and $$x^3 = a_1x + a_0$$ and then considers thoroughly the systematic interconnections between these two families and the remaining ones and provides a diagram to visualize the results clearly. In the analysis of these solution methods, we pay particular attention to the appearance of the square roots of negative numbers even when all the solutions are real-the so-called casus irreducibilis. The structure that comes to light enables us to fully appreciate the impact that the difficulty entailed by the casus irreducibilis had on Cardano's construction in the Ars Magna. Cardano tried to patch matters first in the Ars Magna itself and then in the De Regula Aliza (1570). We sketch the former briefly and analyze the latter in detail because Cardano considered it the ultimate solution. In particular, we examine one widespread technique that is based on what I have called splittings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well known that over the eighteenth century the calculus moved away from its geometric origins; Euler, and later Lagrange, aspired to transform it into a "purely analytical" discipline. In the 1780 s, the Portuguese mathematician José Anastácio da Cunha developed an original version of the calculus whose interpretation in view of that process presents challenges. Cunha was a strong admirer of Newton (who famously favoured geometry over algebra) and criticized Euler's faith in analysis. However, the fundamental propositions of his calculus follow the analytical trend. This appears to have been possible due to a nominalistic conception of variable that allowed him to deal with expressions as names, rather than abstract quantities. Still, Cunha tried to keep the definition of fluxion directly applicable to geometrical magnitudes. According to a friend of Cunha's, his calculus had an algebraic (analytical) branch and a geometrical branch, and it was because of this that his definition of fluxion appeared too complex to some contemporaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The progress of Mathematics during the nineteenth century was characterised both by an enormous acquisition of new knowledge and by the attempts to introduce rigour in reasoning patterns and mathematical writing. Cauchy’s presentation of Mathematical Analysis was not immediately accepted, and many writers, though aware of that new style, did not use it in their own mathematical production. This paper is devoted to an episode of this sort that took place in Spain during the first half of the century: It deals with the presentation of a method for numerically solving algebraic equations by José Mariano Vallejo, a late Spanish follower of the Enlightenment ideas, politician, writer, and mathematician who published it in the fourth (1840) edition of his book Compendio de Matemáticas Puras y Mistas, claiming to have discovered it on his own. Vallejo’s main achievement was to write down the whole procedure in a very careful way taking into account the different types of roots, although he paid little attention to questions such as convergence checks and the fulfilment of the hypotheses of Rolle’s Theorem. For sure this lack of mathematical care prevented Vallejo to occupy a place among the forerunners of Computational Algebra. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diophantos' solutions to the problems of Arithmetica have been the object of extensive reading and interpretation in modern times, especially from the point of view of identifying ``hidden steps'' or ``general methods''. In this paper, after examining the relevance of various interpretations given for the famous problem II 8 in the context of modern algebra or geometry, we focus on a close reading of the ancient text of some problems of Arithmetica in order to investigate Diophantos' solving practices. This inquiry reveals certain pointers, which enable us to create a framework for defining the generality of Diophantos' methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We consider the Geometria Practica of Christopher Clavius, S.J., a surprisingly eclectic and comprehensive practical geometry text, whose first edition appeared in 1604. Our focus is on four particular sections from Books IV and VI where Clavius has either used his sources in an interesting way or where he has been uncharacteristically reticent about them. These include the treatments of Heron's Formula, Archimedes' Measurement of the Circle, four methods for constructing two mean proportionals between two lines, and finally an algorithm for computing nth roots of numbers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reflects on the concept of primitivity in group theory and the "Second Memoir" of Evariste Galois. The concept of primitivity has been of considerable importance in the theory of finite permutation groups and its origins lie in this work of Galois. Knowing what Galois meant by his adjective "primitif" is the most significant and also the most difficult point in reading his work.

The introduction of a new analytical method, due fundamentally to François Viète and René Descartes and the later dissemination of their works, resulted in a profound change in the way of thinking and doing mathematics. This change, known as process of algebrization, occurred during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries and led to a great transformation in mathematics. Among many other consequences, this process gave rise to the treatment of the results in the classic treatises with the new analytical method, which allowed new visions of such treatises and the obtaining of new results. Among those treatises is the Arithmetic of Diophantus of Alexandria (approx. 200–284) which was written, using the new algebraic language, by the French mathematician Jacques Ozanam (1640–1718), who in addition to profusely increasing the original problems of Diophantus, solved them in a general way, thus obtaining many geometric consequences. The work is handwritten, it has never been published, it has been lost for almost 300 years, and the known references show its importance. We will show that Ozanam's manuscript was quoted as an important work on several occasions by others mathematicians of the time, among whom G. W. Leibniz stands out. Once the manuscript has been located, our aim in this article is to show and analyze this work of Ozanam, its content, its notation and its structure and how, through the new algebraic method, he not only solved and expanded the questions proposed by Diophantus, but also introduced a connection between the algebraic solutions and what he called geometric determinations by obtaining loci from the solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geometrical algebra hypothesis was once the received interpretation of Greek mathematics. In recent decades, however, it has become anathema to many. I give a critical review of all arguments against it and offer a consistent rebuttal case against the modern consensus. Consequently, I find that the geometrical algebra interpretation should be reinstated as a viable historical hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to analyse the mathematical practices leading to Rafael Bombelli’s L’algebra (1572). The context for the analysis is the Italian algebra practiced by abbacus masters and Renaissance mathematicians of the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries. We will focus here on the semiotic aspects of algebraic practices and on the organisation of knowledge. Our purpose is to show how symbols that stand for underdetermined meanings combine with shifting principles of organisation to change the character of algebra. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three problems in book I of Diophantus’ Arithmetica contain the adjective plasmatikon, that appears to qualify an implicit reference to some theorems in Elements, book II. The translation and meaning of the adjective sparked a long-lasting controversy that has become a nonnegligible aspect of the debate about the possibility of interpreting Diophantus’ approach and, more generally, Greek mathematics in algebraic terms. The correct interpretation of the word, a technical term in the Greek rhetorical tradition that perfectly fits the context in which it is inserted in the Arithmetica, entails that Diophantus’ text contained no (implicit) reference to Euclid’s Elements. The clause containing the adjective turns out to be a later interpolation, that cannot be used to support any algebraic interpretation of the Arithmetica. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The “unknown heritage” is the name usually given to a problem type in whose archetype a father leaves to his first son 1 monetary unit and $${\frac{1}{n}}$$ ( n usually being 7 or 10) of what remains, to the second 2 units and $${\frac{1}{n}}$$ of what remains, and so on. In the end, all sons get the same, and nothing remains. The earliest known occurrence is in Fibonacci’s Liber abbaci, which also contains a number of much more sophisticated versions, together with a partial algebraic solution for one of these and rules for all which do not follow from his algebraic calculation. The next time the problem turns up is in Planudes’s late thirteenth century Calculus according to the Indians, Called the Great. After that the simple problem type turns up regularly in Provençal, Italian and Byzantine sources. It seems never to appear in Arabic or Indian writings, although two Arabic texts (one from c. 1190) contain more regular problems where the number of shares is given; they are clearly derived from the type known from European and Byzantine works, not its source. The sophisticated versions turn up again in Barthélemy de Romans’ Compendy de la praticque des nombres (c. 1467) and, apparently inspired from there, in the appendix to Nicolas Chuquet’s Triparty (1484). Apart from a single trace in Cardano’s Practica arithmetice et mensurandi singularis, the sophisticated versions never surface again, but the simple version spreads for a while to German practical arithmetic and, more persistently, to French polite recreational mathematics. Close examination of the texts shows that Barthélemy cannot have drawn his familiarity with the sophisticated rules from Fibonacci. It also suggests that the simple version is originally either a classical, strictly Greek or Hellenistic, or a medieval Byzantine invention; and that the sophisticated versions must have been developed before Fibonacci within an environment (located in Byzantium, Provence, or possibly in Sicily?) of which all direct traces has been lost, but whose mathematical level must have been quite advanced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article discusses the computational tools (both conceptual and material) used in various attempts to deal with individual cases of FLT, as well as the changing historical contexts in which these tools were developed and used, and affected research. It also explores the changing conceptions about the role of computations within the overall disciplinary picture of number theory, how they influenced research on the theorem, and the kinds of general insights thus achieved. After an overview of Kummer’s contributions and its immediate influence, I present work that favored intensive computations of particular cases of FLT as a legitimate, fruitful, and worth-pursuing number-theoretical endeavor, and that were part of a coherent and active, but essentially low-profile tradition within nineteenth century number theory. This work was related to table making activity that was encouraged by institutions and individuals whose motivations came mainly from applied mathematics, astronomy, and engineering, and seldom from number theory proper. A main section of the article is devoted to the fruitful collaboration between Harry S. Vandiver and Emma and Dick Lehmer. I show how their early work led to the hesitant introduction of electronic computers for research related with FLT. Their joint work became a milestone for computer-assisted activity in number theory at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Thomas Harriot's manuscripts regarding the treatises published by François Viète until 1600. It talks about Harriot's contribution to the development of early modern algebra, which is believed to have been due to his study of the treatises. An insight on the Harriot's reception of Viète's work is also offered.

Reappraises the ancient Greek mathematical combinatorics. Summary of the rationale beyond the identification of 103049 as the tenth Schröder number; Discussion on the Plutarchean passage; Outline of the interpretation in terms of Stoic logic; Discussion on the combinatorial results in ancient Greek sources.

Discusses the algebraic function of Galois used in implementing an iterative process. Aim of Galois' note about the approximation of the roots of algebraic equations; Outline of Legendre's method; Modification of Legendre's method made by Galois.