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Within the context of EU-Asia relations, the EU has tried to export its regional integration model for decades. As regards this, the ASEAN has been the natural partner of the EU. This article gives an overview on how the EU has linked its regional integration efforts with the intention of transforming regional conflicts in the (East) Asian region in the past and today. It shows that the EU has in the past relied on active model setting and positioning in order to 'export' its regional integration approach. Recent developments, however, show that this approach has been abandoned. Although there has been a recent increase in EU policy papers on the region, the EU is currently embracing a rather soft approach based on socialization efforts when it comes to East Asian conflict issues. The paper concludes by stating that this is both the result of a cautious EU 'shying away' from adopting any precise position on pressing Asian security issues and of an adaptation of the EU approach towards a more modest modus operandi of mutual 'sharing of experiences and best practices.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis tackles a previously understudied topic-the ebb and flow of ideas towards the European Union (EU) as a 'Normative Power' found in an external society. It asks three questions. How can particular visions about a foreign policy actor-the EU in our case-be activated and disseminated in societies beyond the Union's borders? Who are the key local actors who facilitate the spreading of these ideas? And how might the personal views towards the EU and its 'Normative Power (NPE)' identity of these key actors influence the activation of 'NPE' ideas in a given society? In answering these questions, this analysis brings together two theoretical models previously not linked-the NPE analytical approach (Manners, J Common Mark Stud 40(2):235-258, ) and the 'cascading activation' framing theory (Entman, Polit Commun 20(4):415-432, , ). Empirically, this paper employs data from 74 face-to-face semi-structured interviews on the perceptions of the EU as a normative power. Interviews were held among the leading newsmakers from influential national media-news writers (journalists, columnists, reporters) and media gatekeepers (editors, news directors, publishers and news producers) from seven Asian countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational city networks (TCNs) are organisations that facilitate information exchange, cooperation and lobbying activities of cities from different countries—independent of the national level. This paper compares the aims and goals of European and Asian city networks, asking if there are significant differences between the two regions or if certain global patterns of urban international relations can be identified. The analytical concept draws on the literature on European TCNs and identifies specific functions they provide to their membership. By way of a comparative analysis, this concept is extended to the Asian TCN cases. It is shown that in both regions, cities cooperate independently across national borders, circumventing the nation-state. Furthermore, sustainable development with a strong focus on environmental issues, and in particular climate change policy, is the most important policy goal in both Europe and Asia. The TCNs show major differences, however, in the areas of representation of and lobbying on behalf of their memberships. This leads to the conclusions that cities emancipate themselves from the higher tiers of government and that the Westphalian nation state loses coherence in both Europe and Asia, even though to specific degrees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Article 21 of the Treaty of Lisbon mandates the European Union (EU) to foster its values (democracy, the rule of law, social rights, gender equality, etc.) in its external relations. The core concern of the EU's multi-faceted relations with Asia is economic relations with rising markets. EU relations with the region have focused on the facilitation of trade and investment through the negotiation of free trade agreements (FTAs) with a number of Asian partners. EU FTAs are accompanied by a Political Cooperation Agreement (PCA), which links core EU values to trade through the 'standard clause', whereby under certain circumstances, human rights' abuses can trigger a suspension of trade preferences. Using a qualitative case study methodology, and drawing on policy documents and interviews, this paper addresses the question of whether, and how, the EU can balance its internal legal obligations with its economic interests and its partners' demands. The article provides a legal background of the EU's obligations in terms of international value promotion. It then reviews EU trade policy strategies and reveals an absence of a concerted approach to the inclusion of values. The article investigates the sources of resistance to EU attempts at linking its trade policy with broader values including social rights with Asian partners. The analysis reveals that Asian resistance is centred on the legalistic approach of the EU rather than the values and suggests that a more effective norm export might be achieved through other means. The article concludes that the EU's failure to push forward social issues in FTAs ultimately casts serious doubts about the EU's international 'actorness' in the area of social rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, a prevailing view has been that a very limited number of global issues can be resolved without the USA and European Union acting together. But in recent years, we have seen a growing body of scholarship addressing the question of the 'diffusion of power', 'the rise of the rest' or 'global zero'. With the financial crisis, questionable foreign policy choices and growing global competition from other international actors, both in terms of trade and ideas, the idea of the Western domination is increasingly questioned. At the same time, many international actors, including the European Union, are increasingly shifting-or 'rebalancing'-their attention towards China and other Asian markets introducing new dynamics to old alliances and relationships. Borrowing from the network analysis scholarship, this paper looks at the EU relationship with China through a conceptual lens of 'network power' and 'network diplomacy'. It applies this analytical lens to investigate the implications of EU-China relations for (1) the relations with the USA, (2) the relations with the ASEAN and (3) the effects of the trilateral EU-China-US cooperation on the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses China and Russia and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Organisation (SCO), a Eurasian regional organisation established in 2001 and consisting of China, Russia and the four Central Asian republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. I argue that while the two largest members of the SCO are essential to the organisation, they at the same time prevent the SCO from becoming a more comprehensive regional organisation. Moreover, the actions and presence of China and Russia in Central Asia, together with inherently inauspicious characteristics of the region when compared to the post-Cold War new regionalist thinking, hinder the overall regionalisation in the area. However, regionalisation, hopefully in time leading to greater regional cooperation in Central Asia, is very much in the interests of Europe and the European Union (EU) as a potential peaceful way forward in the development of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ramifications of the European Union's (EU) internal legitimacy debate for its external relations. It applies the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) as a case study to examine the EU's attempts to promote legitimacy in global governance, more specifically in interregional institutions. The article's theoretical framework draws from the EU's legitimacy debate. It identifies three key sources of legitimacy, namely, (i) input legitimacy or democratic control and accountability, (ii) output legitimacy or performance and achievement of core purposes, and (iii) the degree of common identity as externalised through collective representation and the articulation of shared norms and values. The empirical analysis thereafter leads to three observations. First, the EU's presence has contributed to an increased democratic involvement by ASEM's different stakeholders including parliaments and civil society. Second, purely from an institutional legitimacy perspective ASEM achieves its purpose as a forum to 'constructively engage' with Asian countries and address issues relating to global governance. Third, ASEM reveals the EU's dual identity as an intergovernmental grouping and an organisation with a gradually increasing capacity of collective representation. However, the advancement of the EU's normative objectives through ASEM has been problematic, leading to a more interest-based and pragmatic policy path. The article concludes that the EU's legitimacy debate has had a bearing on relations with Asia and, in particular, with ASEM. Importantly, and given the EU's setbacks, some elements of the 'EU's way' have proven successful in promoting democratic notions of legitimacy beyond the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global financial crisis and the shift of economic strength to a rising Asia have ushered in European introspection and allusions to the decline of the European Union (EU). The EU's ambitions to have a normative impact in the world have been called into question. The seven articles in this guest-edited issue explore processes of change relating to geopolitical definitions, regional actorness, interregionalism, and normative power within the framework of EU-Asia relations. This introduction contextualises the themes taken up in the different articles. It considers important divides in the recent history of Europe-Asia relations and outlines key transformations in the global environment, before critically reflecting on the significance of normative power for Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Japanese government faces many competing challenges as it seeks to balance its multilateral and bilateral relationships within and beyond the region: whilst addressing its rapidly changing contentious domestic politics, there is pressure for it to realign relations with the USA, manage the rise of China, strengthen links with its region and continue to deal with its lingering historical legacy. All of these demands are now set against the backdrop of a so-called 'lost decade' of economic woes and global economic recession. This article demonstrates how the Japanese government is apparently adopting a de facto multilevel foreign policy, attempting to engage in a range of bilateral and collective initiatives simultaneously and to assume a regional leadership role whilst having to manage difficult bilateral relations, notably with the USA and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Asia-Europe Meeting forum (ASEM) was established as a mechanism to facilitate meaningful connections and dialogue between Asia and Europe. In 2010, a new chapter in European-Asian relations is being embarked upon. Standing on the brink of Asia, New Zealand and Australia (alongside Russia) are set to join ASEM. Of the three countries set to join ASEM, New Zealand presents a particular case. Traditionally, New Zealand has been seen as the most British of its former colonies, but it is increasingly both viewed and identifies itself as Asian. Using public opinion surveys and media content analysis conducted in 2009, this article demonstrates that New Zealanders continue to feel a strong connection with Britain which in turn influences its perceptions of the EU. Furthermore, New Zealand's increasing Asian links, coupled with its Commonwealth connections and British heritage, has the potential to positively influence events at ASEM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]