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Nevertheless, based upon her interviews with Malay-Muslim women in Thailand's Deep South, Streicher asserts that "some young women...found soldiers handsome... [and as the] civilized Other of I Malayness i (110)." Following the post-2004 exacerbation of Deep South insurrection, the military has increasingly promoted itself to Deep South locals as an institution of fatherly benevolence. Streicher concludes by arguing that Thailand's 2014-2019 military junta used imperial practices of policing which re-applied tactics used in the Deep South. [Extracted from the article]

Unless the military is under civilian control, the risk of military intervention and control in politics will continue to linger even after democratization, especially in states with a history of military rule. Indonesia, Myanmar, and Thailand make up the past and present military-led regimes in Southeast Asia, in which the military has played a vital part in shaping the trajectory of each state's democratization process. Yet why are some militaries able to maintain significant military control despite transitions from military to democratic rule? What explains the Myanmar military's divergence from its Southeast Asian counterparts? The paper positions the military and the continuation of military control as the center of analysis in understanding civilian control and democratization. It proposes the reconceptualization of the military as an inherently political institution affected by path-dependency, relationalism, and rent-seeking. This framework focuses upon the military's legitimation of its role in politics, repression/co-optation of competing forces, and establishment of an independent economic base. The paper argues that the form and extent of military control in Myanmar is not only hegemonic, but has also transformed, in the decades of military rule, to become the state itself—a level of military influence unparalleled by its regional counterparts in Indonesia and Thailand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a fixed effects model and a fixed effects quantile regression to explore the relationship between government spending and poverty reduction in the 63 provinces of Vietnam from 2010 to 2020. Our study argues and finds that government spending plays a significant role in reducing the poverty rate in Vietnam. Furthermore, the paper shows that income per capita is a good proxy for the poverty rate. Given the influential role of government spending in reducing impoverishment, the study also finds that income inequality is a challenge to the Vietnamese government. It contributes to the literature on public finance in Vietnam and emerging markets. Additionally, it has policy implications for policymakers in these economies regarding addressing poverty alleviation and income inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the fluctuations in Indonesian-US bilateral relations during 2014–2021, a period which encapsulated the second term of US president Barrack Obama (2013–2017), that of US President Donald Trump (2017–2021), and that of Indonesian president Jokowi Widodo (2014–Present). Two empirical puzzles are addressed: stagnant relations during Jokowi and Obama's terms despite strong expectations to strategically evolve bilateral relations and the lull in ties during Jokowi's and Trump's presidencies despite the convergence of strategic interests in the region. This qualitative discourse analysis assesses the bilateral relations between 2014 and 2021 by employing three foreign policy variables: personalistic, ideational, and structural factors. The article contends that in comprehending the fluctuating ties, all three variables need to be considered, allowing us to determine which factors outweigh others in certain circumstances. This article concludes that despite the personal rapport established between Jokowi and Obama in overcoming bilateral disagreements, the Freedom of Navigation operations continued to be viewed by Jokowi and Indonesian elites as provocative maneuvers. Meanwhile, Trump's election saw a loss of personal rapport between US and Indonesian leaders due to Trump's apparent lack of sensitivity on vexed issues, including that toward the Muslim world, which remained an irritant to the bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this article is to explain the outcome of Pakistan's 2018 Election, which is only the second successful transfer of power from one civilian government to another after completing a full five-year term. The PTI (Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf) emerged victorious with a greater majority than was predicted, soundly defeating the incumbent ruling party PML-N (Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz). We question why an incumbent governing party that had been delivering on its campaign promises and was generally perceived to be performing well lost the election to PTI, a newer and more inexperienced party. We make a nested argument in this paper: had an uneven playing field not been created in the pre-poll phase due to reported interference by the military and the media in the formation of public opinion, so-called electables would not have defected to the PTI in large numbers. It is in the context of this broader political environment that PTI's electoral strategy to accept these defecting politicians and select them as candidates paid-off, earning the party an electoral majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Malaysia's civilian-military relationship, assessing why the military has remained apolitical since Malaysia's independence and the consequences that might lead to changing dynamics in the relations. By utilizing a qualitative case study method, the paper explores the theories exploring modern civilian-military relations and establish the usage of the framework adapted from Croissant et al. to evaluate Malaysia's civilian-military relationship. The five areas assessed in the framework are leadership selection, public policy, internal security, external defence, and military organization. From here three factors play a crucial role in possibly changing the balance of military-civilian relations in Malaysia. These are the integrity of political institutions, the role of the King in military organization and worsening socio-economic conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Threat perception has been central in the field of international relations, especially in the literature of states' alliances and conflict solutions. International Relations (IR) balance of power and alliance theories have largely equated "threat" to "power." A standard narrative in Singapore's foreign policy toward great powers is its reluctance to choose between both. Singapore's immediate neighbor, Indonesia, the largest archipelagic country in the world, has voiced similar inclinations. Studies have concentrated on the larger power threat interpretation and their responses toward the change in the international order arising from China's growth or the rise of terrorism but rarely examining issues from small states' point of view. According to Realists' logic, small states possess little capacity to influence the fate of their own survival; therefore, they can only choose between balancing and band wagoning. Threat perceptions play an intermediary role in connecting the external environment and state foreign policy behavior. Hence, the study of threat perception is critical as it influences states foreign policies regarding issues ranging from defense spending to states' level of commitment toward international multilateral cooperation. IR scholars have examined how states form threat perceptions from various psychological and non-psychological perspectives. However, these factors are often studied independently. This paper argues that Gestalt principles of threat perception offer a more thorough analysis of Singapore's threat perception by bridging the gap between realist and constructivist studies by demonstrating how Singapore's threat perception as a small state is magnified due to its unique geographical position and its shared cultural affinity with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bilateral relations between Indonesia and Vietnam have long been problematic due to the unresolved maritime borders surrounding the North Natuna Sea. Despite having a long history of cooperation in multilateral forums such as ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), the increasing occurrence of IUUF (illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing) in the North Natuna Sea continues to raise concerns in Jakarta about vessels of different countries, including Vietnamese-flagged vessels. Taking an example, this study evaluates the maritime diplomatic strategies of the President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) administration against the encroachment of Vietnam fishing boats which entered Indonesian waters in the North Natuna Sea between 2020-2021 with reference to the response of 1) Indonesia's navy; (2) the Indonesian Maritime Security Agency, and (3) Indonesian Police or Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries. Although there have been hundreds of incidents, five analytical cases were evaluated in this paper based upon their maritime diplomatic properties to understand Indonesia's contemporary strategy toward such encroachments. Using Le Mière's five framework points, the study argues that Indonesia's maritime diplomatic strategies against Vietnam's IUUF exhibited 1) a kinetic effect; 2) consistency; 3) message explicitness; 4) reactive diplomacy; and 5) lack of power balance among stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the shift in Philippine policy on China under the Duterte Administration from appeasement to soft balancing. After his election in mid-2016, President Rodrigo Duterte adopted an appeasement policy vis-à-vis China's expansive territorial claim in the South China Sea. However, China has not fulfilled its end of the bargain. It failed to inject public investment into the Philippines' massive infrastructure-building program, and to moderate the behavior of its military units operating in the South China Sea. This has prompted the Duterte Administration to adopt a policy of soft balancing. It pursues this policy by (a) hedging on its alliance with the U.S.; (b) fostering a security partnership with Japan; and (c) pushing for the immediate passage of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-China Code of Conduct (CoC) of the Parties in the South China Sea. In conclusion, this paper argues that the Duterte Administration's current objective is to restrain Chinese aggressive behavior in the South China Sea by maintaining its alliance with the U.S., fostering a security partnership with Japan, and playing a more active role in the ASEAN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the determinants of voters' trust level regarding official candidates at presidential, legislative, and governor levels in the 2014 general election in Indonesia. Data from the 2014 National Socioeconomic Survey was utilized in this study. The data was analyzed using two-stage regression analysis. The first stage regression analyzed the determinants of individual trust in official candidates, while the second stage analyzed probabilities of individuals to vote. This study found that voters' experiences in vote buying reduced their trust in official candidates in the 2014 election. The second-stage regression results indicated that voters' experiences in disasters reduced their intention to vote at all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organized economic cooperation among China, South Korea (Republic of Korea) and Japan has been difficult due to the "Asia Paradox" and different interests. However, the digital age is fostering cooperation and interdependence among the three countries. As a result, it is time to explore new areas and methods of cooperation. Therefore, this study focuses on and analyzes the possibility and impacts of digital trade cooperation among the three countries in the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Applying a tripartite cooperation model, this study analyzes the relative advantages of the three countries in digital trade and the "benefits" and "costs" of establishing a Digital Trade Agreement (DTA). The research indicates that the power basis for establishing an equal relationship exists. However, the "cost" of establishing a trilateral DTA is higher than the short-term "benefit," providing insufficient motivation to develop a trilateral DTA in the short-term. Nevertheless, this study suggests that in the long run, due to new opportunities and crises, the three countries will still seek to pursue a DTA in different ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines Rohingya living in Malaysia. Myanmar's discriminatory citizenship laws have stripped nearly all Rohingya of their citizenship, making them the largest stateless ethnic group in the world. Malaysia is one of the most popular destinations for the displaced Rohingya from Myanmar. As Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol, the Rohingya are not entitled to any legal protection under the existing law in their host country. This study aims to identify the challenges faced by displaced Rohingya regarding their right to work, and the response from the Malaysian government. The methodology used for this research is a multi-site case study with the case study sites being Kuala Lumpur, Selangor, Terengganu, and Pahang. After intensive fieldwork and meetings with different stakeholders, this research revealed that Malaysian people are sympathetic to the Rohingya and wish to assist them within their limited capacities. Overall, this study argues that there is no consistent government policy and a lack of coordination between the Malaysian government and international agencies working to improve the welfare of the Rohingya. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explore the policy interpretations of Thailand's risk communication policy formulation and implementation process, and its potential challenges during the COVID-19 pandemic by comparing the situations in two Thai border provinces: Tak (Thailand-Myanmar) and Nong Khai (Thailand-Lao PDR). This research adopted a comparative case study design, analyzing policy documents and interviewing key policy stakeholders. It combined an interpretive policy framework with a 'multiple streams/critical juncture' to understand the perceptions and experiences of policy stakeholders and the interpretation of policy texts during a public health crisis. The findings demonstrate that these two similar cases have had different local health communication policy implementations. Indeed, the results showed the different policy operations and communication challenges in both areas, which included outdated bureaucratic routines and complex government communication mechanisms resulting in health communication response delays, cultural and language barriers, and problems with access to services caused by digital health disruptions. The health communication outcomes in the two provinces also reflected the impact of both Thai border health politics and the international politics between Thailand and its neighboring countries on health communication operations and the interpretations of all policy agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How have political families influenced parliamentary politics in Thailand? He sees a clash in Thai politics between military-backed "royalist elites" and "commoner [political] families", though elites dominate regardless (xiv). Though the author finds it ironic that the post-2019 arch-royalist Premier Prayuth Chan-ocha government had to rely on families of many post-2019 MPs who previously supported royalist-despised Premier Thaksin Shinawatra to form a coalition, arguably Prayuth simply succeeded in taking away these MPs from Thaksin. [Extracted from the article]

Oman and Brunei are two countries with a long history of sultanic regimes. A sultanate is a kingdom ruled by a Muslim monarch. Because of these two countries' geopolitical and geostrategic locations, they are very important in global affairs. At the same time, although situated in the highly tense regions of the Middle East and Southeast Asia respectively, Oman and Brunei are generally quite stable. They have recently become involved in China's global economic project, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Using a theory of small states, this article applies a qualitative research methodology focusing mainly on foreign policy analysis in a comprehensive analytical framework. The study uses face-to-face and by-correspondence interviews with government officials from both sultanates. It investigates whether the domestic determinants of small states' foreign policy directly affect the bilateral relations between the two sultanates. The main finding of this study is that Oman and Brunei have greatly benefited through the establishment of a satisfactory bilateral relationship based mainly on four pillars from the list of determinants of small states' foreign policy: historical connectivity, an Islamic monarchical dynastic system of governance, a state rentier economy, and shared foreign policy principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purposes of this study are to give an overview of what CSOs can contribute to peacebuilding in Southeast Asian context: Mindanao (the Philippines), Aceh (Indonesia), and the southernmost provinces of Thailand; and to study the advantages and challenges of CSOs in peacebuilding. This study referred to the Paffenholz's framework of civil society role in peacebuilding, including protection, monitoring, advocacy, socialization, social cohesion, facilitation, and service delivery. A qualitative method was used, which found that socialization and social cohesion were the most important in building lasting peace. The important factors supporting these roles are law frameworks and CSO networking. The main obstacles that hinder their fulfillment in the peacebuilding process are the complexity of the conflicts, political situation, and funding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's opening and reform process was constituted as a temporal phase of its Sonderweg, centered on the symbiosis with the West. It also included a centrifugal effect stemming from the "unipolar" appearance of the international system, yet temporalised differently from the retentional-protentional "now" of the symbiosis. China's symbiosis-phase can be defined as a modus vivendi, conducted on selective and partial integration through "reframing" and rendering its authoritarianism a guarantee for the sustainability of the selected symbiotic elements which in turn shielded the authoritarianism that Beijing de facto equated to "authenticity." However, a new temporal phase of the Sonderweg emerged when the centrifugal effect was transferred from its anticipatory horizon into the retentional-protentional field, as the main elements of the symbiosis faced erosion. This re-temporalisation engendered a systemic challenge through expansionism and promotion of the authoritarianism with a "multipolarist" discourse. The BRI appears as the most visible, encompassing and transformative content framework of this new phase. However, it faces three serious impasses: An inter-multipolarist one in the "Belt" area, a systemic one with the emerging reaction and mobilization of the democracies in the "Road" area and one pertaining to the viability of the BRI due to its conduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]