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Unless the military is under civilian control, the risk of military intervention and control in politics will continue to linger even after democratization, especially in states with a history of military rule. Indonesia, Myanmar, and Thailand make up the past and present military-led regimes in Southeast Asia, in which the military has played a vital part in shaping the trajectory of each state's democratization process. Yet why are some militaries able to maintain significant military control despite transitions from military to democratic rule? What explains the Myanmar military's divergence from its Southeast Asian counterparts? The paper positions the military and the continuation of military control as the center of analysis in understanding civilian control and democratization. It proposes the reconceptualization of the military as an inherently political institution affected by path-dependency, relationalism, and rent-seeking. This framework focuses upon the military's legitimation of its role in politics, repression/co-optation of competing forces, and establishment of an independent economic base. The paper argues that the form and extent of military control in Myanmar is not only hegemonic, but has also transformed, in the decades of military rule, to become the state itself—a level of military influence unparalleled by its regional counterparts in Indonesia and Thailand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, Thailand represents the case of an Asian country overshadowed by authoritarian forces, though it has time and again experienced attempts at democratization. This paper argues that democracy remains deficient in Thailand because, though there have been enormous advances in terms of the economy, social improvements and state stability, political space remains elusive and dominated by the monarchy and military. State formation in Thailand is a function of how entrenched social stratification has been reflected in a highly skewed distribution of economic resources. The paper asks the following five questions: First, why has Thailand, which appears to have become relatively strong in terms of economic and political stability, been unable to achieve democracy? Second, what has been the evolution of democracy versus authoritarianism in Thailand? Third, how have the linkages among state structures, economic relations and societal institutions evolved across time in Thailand? Fourth, what are the main features of their historical development today and how have these (as conditioned by domestic and international factors) affected Thailand's political conditions? Fifth, what is the likely future of Thai democracy? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the lifting of martial law in 1987, Taiwan has progressed toward one of Asia's most advanced democracies. This paper looks at the historical and socio-political circumstances and traces the global and domestic factors behind the transformation. Assuming that advanced levels of democratic governance can only be obtained through mediated social control over the state and the economy, the study explores whether democratic values and norms have become internalized and identifies the current caveats of further democratic development. More specifically, the paper argues that although Taiwan's democratization has been caused by external sovereignty-related factors, the discourse on national identity has repoliticzed the public political realm after decades of authoritarianism and led to the habitualization of democratic values and norms. The paper concludes with an assessment of the prospects for comprehensive and inclusive public participation in the shaping of Taiwan's political conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, Malaysia saw a change of ruling parties for the first time since its independence. Malaysian democracy however, remains monopolized by the ruling elites and dominated by a strong state. This paper looks at the multidimensional relations between state, economy and society that characterize the Malaysian democracy and is divided into five thematic sections. Firstly, the key characteristics of Malaysia's state, society and economy are discussed. Secondly, the paper looks at some of the main historical and transformative features of Malaysia's modern statehood including the colonial experience under the British, which institutionalized race-based politics as well as the government's overhaul of its economic and social policies in response to conflict in the late 1960s. The third section looks at some major factors that shape the politics of Malaysia, specifically the factors that contributed to BN's long hold on power. Section four of the paper looks at the major shifts in the relations between state, society and economy and its impact on Malaysian democracy. Finally, the fifth section assesses the challenges and prospect of the country since the change in ruling parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the leadership of Chief Executive C.Y. Leung who took office to govern Hong Kong in July 2012 under China's political framework of “One Country, Two Systems.” As Hong Kong enters into a new period of politics in the process of democratization, there are several major political tasks that the Hong Kong chief executive must handle. These include the search for a consensus on the methods of electing the chief executive in 2017 on the basis of universal suffrage; the response to the call for reforming the Legislative Council in 2016 to prepare for the election of the whole Legislative Council through direct election in 2020; the resolution of conflicts between China and Hong Kong. It is therefore significant and timely to evaluate Leung's leadership so as to project Hong Kong's political development in the remaining four years under his leadership. This paper argues that Leung's leadership stresses “incremental development” based on the status quo, a “reflector model” of governance, “transactional mediation,” and a “role-determined leadership.” In the context of the existing Beijing–Hong Kong power relationship and Leung's conservative political outlook, it is a matter of doubt whether Leung's leadership can effectively withstand the political challenges ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Philippines is Southeast Asia's oldest democracy. Yet democratic institutions fail to show coherence in what is largely seen as a resilient oligarchical state that manages to control the state, economy, and society by constantly adapting and shifting along with the political contours. Despite its rich democratic tradition, the country has not been able to reduce centuries old socio-economic inequalities that have sustained clientelistic politics. The continuing failure to consolidate and deepen democracy has negatively impacted the Philippine state, the economy and society. This country study charts the various structural and institutional arrangements and accommodations that have resulted in the country's defective democratization. Using historical and contemporary process tracing, this study hopes to provide a nuanced understanding of the democratic and not so democratic trajectory that the country continues to experience. By providing a mapping of the defective democracy in the Philippines, this study provides a lens to see the conditions, depth and alterations within the course of pursuing democratization. The distinct and complementing structural and institutional arrangements over the years illustrate how power can lead to various patterns of domination and transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Reform Era began in 1998, a democratization process has taken place in Indonesia. By assessing the three elements of state, economy, and society, and the evolution of their interactions, this study concludes that Indonesia's contemporary political condition has been shaped by a continuously strong and dominant state, increased participation of society, and the adoption of the developmental state model. The state remains a dominant actor since a strong presence and role of the state continues to be sustained by the elites to maintain power. Society's demands to receive government assistance have deepened the state's role. While in the past the state was heavily supported by the military, today, the presence of the military within the democratic system has significantly diminished and been replaced by different economic actors. The elites are more dependent on support from society to remain in power and to implement policies that are generally achieved through economic incentives. Public participation appears in a majority of social, economic, and even political affairs, mainly to fulfill the requirement of being democratic. As for the economy, its role is becoming larger and has increasingly been used to replace the coercive power approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a developmental perspective, South Korea would seem to have long ago put the challenges of the Middle Income Trap behind it. This supposed economic Miracle on the Han River has been matched by a similar political miracle with democratic transition followed by consolidation. Yet middle income economic conceptualization is too narrow, with contemporary observers taking into account the political economy of change as well, emphasizing how development paths are often the outcome of a struggle between those who benefit from the status quo and those who seek change " a broader Transformation Trap. Likewise, even after transition and consolidation, the quality of democratic governance can remain poor, or thin. In South Korea, as with many Asian societies, the balance of power is tilted in favor of forces preserving the status quo. This article examines South Korea's escape from the developmental Transformation Trap through the interplay of state and the economy. It considers state-society achievements as well as ongoing challenges of the political Transformation Trap. It concludes with ongoing and future challenges along the economy-society nexus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western liberal democracy is in crisis. At the same time, since the end of the Cold War, new regions of the world and actors have risen to prominence. Contemporary discourse emphasizes, in particular, the rise of East Asia (including the Northeast and Southeast Asian sub-regions) and the empowerment of middle powers. This Special Issue of Asian Affairs: An American Review looks at the extent to which mid-sized East Asian states with significant democratic heritage embody hope for the liberal democratic project, and also the challenges they face. Furthermore, it considers how the analysis of the mode of interaction between state, economy and society allows a determination of the democratic conditions of any given country. The articles in this Special Issue originate from a project supported by the Asia Pacific department of the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) exploring regional interdependencies of democratization in Asia. This introduction explores the theoretical framework of the project and elaborates further on case selection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the political crises of Hong Kong after the mass sit-in of the Occupy Central Movement. Lasted for 79 days, the mass-in of the Movement was organized to force the governments of China and Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to adopt a genuine democratic process for electing the chief executive of Hong Kong in year 2017. The end of the Occupy Central Movement mass sit-in did not solve the disagreements between the government and the supporters from the pan-democratic camp on the issue of democratization. Hong Kong is suffering a certain degree of political decay with declining political strength in consolidating a democratic model, maintaining legitimacy, running an effective government, cementing social cohesion, and preserving high degree of autonomy. Consequently, the political capability of Hong Kong government to govern is weakening and its political strength is deteriorating. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Democracy promotion has never been an integral element of India's foreign policy. The pursuit of its national interests in the international arena has traditionally revolved around security, trade, and energy issues. This article demonstrates, however, that in recent times Indiahastaken a more active stance in promoting and supporting democracy abroad. It identifies the specific ways in which India has engaged in democracy promotion and support abroad. Nevertheless, ‘realist’ concerns about strategic and economic interests, namely India's desire to improve its relationship with the United States and enhancing its status as an emerging power, rather than any idealistic commitment to democracy, may help explain this behavior. The pursuit of traditional foreign policy objectives will continue to take precedence over democracy promotion and support abroad. As such, there are elements of both continuity and change observed regarding the issue of democracy promotion in India's foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Studies of electoral authoritarianism in Southeast Asia highlight the significance of a compliant media in acting as an obstacle to democratization. Analyses of Malaysian politics are no different. Although the media in Malaysia is largely private, most observers point to the various legislative mechanisms and ownership structures through which compliance is ensured. Although most political scientists have concluded that such mechanisms ensure there is a progovernment bias, there have been few attempts to measure this bias and analyze its impact. With this study, the author aims to begin to fill that gap by studying the degree to which newspapers in Malaysia display partisanship in their coverage of Malaysian politics. To do so, two Malay-language newspapers were selected for coding, using two separate two-week periods as samples. The first period coincided with the March 2008 Malaysian general election, and the second, serving as a control, was from October 2006. Having demonstrated a clear degree of progovernment bias in both newspapers, the author then explores the factors postulated to explain this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changes to the developmental state resulting from Taiwan's political liberalization and democratization have created a complex political-economic decision-making landscape that has affected the process of financial reforms. In this article, the author examines the impact that the changes in the nature of the Taiwanese state, institutions, and the increase in the number of important political actors have on financial liberalization and reforms that have been undertaken thus far, providing a theoretical framework to explain how institutional changes, the interactions of political actors, and changes in incentives in the political system can help one understand the politics of financial reform. Using this theoretical framework, the author examines the application of the theory to the Taiwan case in depth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural resources are neither a blessing nor a curse; intrinsically they can neither positively nor negatively affect political and economic developments. Rather, the negative effects of natural resources are correlated with a country's “structured contingency”: the existing political configuration through which the oil revenue is managed and spent. Cambodia's political configuration is dominated by interlocking patron-client networks that require a leader to capture and maintain the loyalty of key sections of the politico-commercial elite by fulfilling their material aspirations through the distribution of perquisites. Under these conditions, corruption is widespread, the government institutions are unresponsive, and resources are misallocated. Examining the existing political configuration and the precedent set by the forest and land sectors, this article argues that future oil revenue will likely be used partly for self-enrichment of the political elites and partly to promote political legitimacy of the ruling elites through the politics of gift giving and patronage. The situation will likely have two significant impacts on Cambodia: (1) inequitable development and increased income inequality and (2) perpetuation of Cambodia's hybrid democracy, preventing any further movement toward democratic consolidation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After 1997, Thailand and Indonesia experienced dramatic political change. Indonesia is now on its fourth post-Suharto president, the constitution was changed, new political parties formed, the military's role in politics shrunk, and local governments have greater control and authority. In Thailand, a new constitution was ratified in the wake of the financial crisis and a new party took control in 2001. However, former Prime Minister Thaksin acted in ways that curtailed democracy and made a mockery of the 1997 reform movement. What happened to the post-1997 reforms? This article argues that democracy has been weakly consolidated in Indonesia and that Thailand has slid further from democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]