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The bilateral relations between Indonesia and Vietnam have long been problematic due to the unresolved maritime borders surrounding the North Natuna Sea. Despite having a long history of cooperation in multilateral forums such as ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), the increasing occurrence of IUUF (illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing) in the North Natuna Sea continues to raise concerns in Jakarta about vessels of different countries, including Vietnamese-flagged vessels. Taking an example, this study evaluates the maritime diplomatic strategies of the President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) administration against the encroachment of Vietnam fishing boats which entered Indonesian waters in the North Natuna Sea between 2020-2021 with reference to the response of 1) Indonesia's navy; (2) the Indonesian Maritime Security Agency, and (3) Indonesian Police or Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries. Although there have been hundreds of incidents, five analytical cases were evaluated in this paper based upon their maritime diplomatic properties to understand Indonesia's contemporary strategy toward such encroachments. Using Le Mière's five framework points, the study argues that Indonesia's maritime diplomatic strategies against Vietnam's IUUF exhibited 1) a kinetic effect; 2) consistency; 3) message explicitness; 4) reactive diplomacy; and 5) lack of power balance among stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the determinants of voters' trust level regarding official candidates at presidential, legislative, and governor levels in the 2014 general election in Indonesia. Data from the 2014 National Socioeconomic Survey was utilized in this study. The data was analyzed using two-stage regression analysis. The first stage regression analyzed the determinants of individual trust in official candidates, while the second stage analyzed probabilities of individuals to vote. This study found that voters' experiences in vote buying reduced their trust in official candidates in the 2014 election. The second-stage regression results indicated that voters' experiences in disasters reduced their intention to vote at all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many foreign aid agencies promote peacebuilding as a global policy objective. This paper considers how they have fared in practice in subnational, “peripheral” conflicts in Asia that have relatively low international profiles, using case material from Aceh in Indonesia, the Far South of Thailand, and Sri Lanka. Foreign aid has supported long-term economic growth in these countries but typically failed to address peacebuilding concerns or associated inequalities between ethnic groups. Many barriers limit the scope to promote peacebuilding, stemming from recipient governments’ reluctance to accept external involvement and from aid agencies’ own limitations. Those agencies that do address conflict concerns tend not to use technical peacebuilding tools or methodologies. Instead, they prioritize the root causes of conflicts, recognizing human rights protection and equality of opportunity as policy aims. They also devise responses locally, build good relationships with governments, and work incrementally from a strong knowledge base. Wider adoption of similar policy objectives and practice would enable further small-scale peacebuilding initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Rohingya are among multiple refugees and asylum seekers who have arrived in Indonesia without any certainty of their futures. For most Rohingya refugees, Indonesia is a transit country, where they register with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Refugee Agency before being allowed to relocate to third countries. Indonesia did not sign the 1951 Convention on Refugee Status and does not officially accept refugees for permanent resettlement. Refugees and asylum-seekers reaching Indonesia arrive there in several circumstances. Some are fleeing oppression, others have run out of money, others are involved in human-trafficking, and still others have become stranded on Indonesia's beaches. There are three options for Rohingya people stranded in Indonesia: repatriation to Myanmar, reintegration to Indonesia, or seeking asylum in third countries (resettlement). However, the Indonesian government believes that a durable solution for the Rohingya in Indonesia is repatriation or resettlement. Based on historical traces and international law, Rohingya should have the absolute right to return to Myanmar. However, in practice, this is difficult. The attitude of the Myanmar regime, distrust of the Rohingya people toward Myanmar's government, and lack of support from neighboring ASEAN countries are among the reasons why this option is particularly challenging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This manuscript examines the role of intermediaries known as "brokers" in mobilizing voters, often by distributing cash and material goods, for campaigns in Indonesia. We build upon previous studies by examining the role of social networks in recruiting brokers into campaigns, the structure of brokerage networks, and the motivations of brokers to join a campaign. Whereas past studies tend to view the candidate-broker relationship in transactional terms, our study finds that the social network of candidates is also an important factor that helps explain how brokerage networks are structured and also the considerations that motivate brokers to work for a campaign. While material benefits and transactional considerations do motivate some brokers, we also find a wide variety of solidary benefits such as personal friendships and shared membership in social organizations as motivating factors for many other brokers. Our findings are based on in-depth interviews with approximately 150 individuals (candidates, brokers, citizens, etc.) during the 2017–2019 series of Indonesian elections which includes local village head elections, legislative elections, and the gubernatorial election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article challenges the simplistic view that U.S. leadership in East Asia is weakening relative to China's increasing ability to shape the regional order, which will force other states to choose between these two powers. Based on interviews with political elites, analysts, and academics in the United States, China, Japan, and Indonesia, we argue that the East Asian order transition is more complex and nuanced, especially when we examine views toward: (1) the Sino–U.S. rivalry for regional leadership; (2) whether Chinese initiatives such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road Initiative disrupt the current order; and (3) the preferred vision of regional order for each of the four countries. While there is hardly a consensus view about issues of regional order, it appears that in the short to medium term, China is not expected to substantially overhaul the existing East Asian order. Nevertheless, Beijing is likely to chip away at U.S. regional leadership and, in the long term, would presumably seek to create an order that would sustain its rise and maintain its regional preponderance. The responses of other regional stakeholders toward these developments would be vital in shaping the collective impact on the East Asian order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses brokerage activity by brokers in Indonesian elections. Topics include why these brokers despite being offered financial incentives from opposition parties remain loyal to their candidate and vote-buying in Indonesia, and the reliance by candidates on brokers in Indonesia to intermediate between themselves and the voters.

Indonesians have political power, freedom of voice, and an array of civil and political rights that fifteen years ago would have been unimaginable. It is undeniable how much positive change has occurred in such a short amount of time. Indonesia's experience, like other countries in Asia, serves as an example of both the successes in democratization and the difficulties and challenges in consolidating democracy. This article looks at the status of democracy in Indonesia today. It asks how well democracy has been consolidated in Indonesia and what the continued challenges are. It focuses specifically on four significant challenges: corruption, military abuses, protection of minority rights, and Islamic radicalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After 1997, Thailand and Indonesia experienced dramatic political change. Indonesia is now on its fourth post-Suharto president, the constitution was changed, new political parties formed, the military's role in politics shrunk, and local governments have greater control and authority. In Thailand, a new constitution was ratified in the wake of the financial crisis and a new party took control in 2001. However, former Prime Minister Thaksin acted in ways that curtailed democracy and made a mockery of the 1997 reform movement. What happened to the post-1997 reforms? This article argues that democracy has been weakly consolidated in Indonesia and that Thailand has slid further from democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Provides information about the book `Shared Hopes, Separate Fears: Fifty Years of U.S.-Indonesian Relations,' by Paul F. Gardner.