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This paper examines Malaysia's civilian-military relationship, assessing why the military has remained apolitical since Malaysia's independence and the consequences that might lead to changing dynamics in the relations. By utilizing a qualitative case study method, the paper explores the theories exploring modern civilian-military relations and establish the usage of the framework adapted from Croissant et al. to evaluate Malaysia's civilian-military relationship. The five areas assessed in the framework are leadership selection, public policy, internal security, external defence, and military organization. From here three factors play a crucial role in possibly changing the balance of military-civilian relations in Malaysia. These are the integrity of political institutions, the role of the King in military organization and worsening socio-economic conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, Malaysia saw a change of ruling parties for the first time since its independence. Malaysian democracy however, remains monopolized by the ruling elites and dominated by a strong state. This paper looks at the multidimensional relations between state, economy and society that characterize the Malaysian democracy and is divided into five thematic sections. Firstly, the key characteristics of Malaysia's state, society and economy are discussed. Secondly, the paper looks at some of the main historical and transformative features of Malaysia's modern statehood including the colonial experience under the British, which institutionalized race-based politics as well as the government's overhaul of its economic and social policies in response to conflict in the late 1960s. The third section looks at some major factors that shape the politics of Malaysia, specifically the factors that contributed to BN's long hold on power. Section four of the paper looks at the major shifts in the relations between state, society and economy and its impact on Malaysian democracy. Finally, the fifth section assesses the challenges and prospect of the country since the change in ruling parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines Rohingya living in Malaysia. Myanmar's discriminatory citizenship laws have stripped nearly all Rohingya of their citizenship, making them the largest stateless ethnic group in the world. Malaysia is one of the most popular destinations for the displaced Rohingya from Myanmar. As Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol, the Rohingya are not entitled to any legal protection under the existing law in their host country. This study aims to identify the challenges faced by displaced Rohingya regarding their right to work, and the response from the Malaysian government. The methodology used for this research is a multi-site case study with the case study sites being Kuala Lumpur, Selangor, Terengganu, and Pahang. After intensive fieldwork and meetings with different stakeholders, this research revealed that Malaysian people are sympathetic to the Rohingya and wish to assist them within their limited capacities. Overall, this study argues that there is no consistent government policy and a lack of coordination between the Malaysian government and international agencies working to improve the welfare of the Rohingya. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of electoral authoritarianism in Southeast Asia highlight the significance of a compliant media in acting as an obstacle to democratization. Analyses of Malaysian politics are no different. Although the media in Malaysia is largely private, most observers point to the various legislative mechanisms and ownership structures through which compliance is ensured. Although most political scientists have concluded that such mechanisms ensure there is a progovernment bias, there have been few attempts to measure this bias and analyze its impact. With this study, the author aims to begin to fill that gap by studying the degree to which newspapers in Malaysia display partisanship in their coverage of Malaysian politics. To do so, two Malay-language newspapers were selected for coding, using two separate two-week periods as samples. The first period coincided with the March 2008 Malaysian general election, and the second, serving as a control, was from October 2006. Having demonstrated a clear degree of progovernment bias in both newspapers, the author then explores the factors postulated to explain this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]