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Presents the February 2000 white paper by the People's Republic of China about the relations of Mainland China and Taiwan. China's basis and prerequisite for achieving peaceful reunification; Questions involving the One China Principle in cross-strait relations; Adherence to the One China principle in the international community. INSET: PRC White Paper....

Evaluates the various factors that influence the relationship between mainland China and Taiwan. Details on international factors; Factors originating in mainland China; Factors arising from developments within Taiwan.

Examines issues surrounding the national unity and territorial integrity of Taiwan. Significance of national reunification of China and Taiwan; Discussion on the civil war started by the Kuomintang; Position of the Chinese government regarding the settlement of the Taiwan question.

Presents an excerpt from China's national defense white paper published on July 28, 1998, which deals with China's strait relations with Taiwan.

Threat perception has been central in the field of international relations, especially in the literature of states' alliances and conflict solutions. International Relations (IR) balance of power and alliance theories have largely equated "threat" to "power." A standard narrative in Singapore's foreign policy toward great powers is its reluctance to choose between both. Singapore's immediate neighbor, Indonesia, the largest archipelagic country in the world, has voiced similar inclinations. Studies have concentrated on the larger power threat interpretation and their responses toward the change in the international order arising from China's growth or the rise of terrorism but rarely examining issues from small states' point of view. According to Realists' logic, small states possess little capacity to influence the fate of their own survival; therefore, they can only choose between balancing and band wagoning. Threat perceptions play an intermediary role in connecting the external environment and state foreign policy behavior. Hence, the study of threat perception is critical as it influences states foreign policies regarding issues ranging from defense spending to states' level of commitment toward international multilateral cooperation. IR scholars have examined how states form threat perceptions from various psychological and non-psychological perspectives. However, these factors are often studied independently. This paper argues that Gestalt principles of threat perception offer a more thorough analysis of Singapore's threat perception by bridging the gap between realist and constructivist studies by demonstrating how Singapore's threat perception as a small state is magnified due to its unique geographical position and its shared cultural affinity with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the shift in Philippine policy on China under the Duterte Administration from appeasement to soft balancing. After his election in mid-2016, President Rodrigo Duterte adopted an appeasement policy vis-à-vis China's expansive territorial claim in the South China Sea. However, China has not fulfilled its end of the bargain. It failed to inject public investment into the Philippines' massive infrastructure-building program, and to moderate the behavior of its military units operating in the South China Sea. This has prompted the Duterte Administration to adopt a policy of soft balancing. It pursues this policy by (a) hedging on its alliance with the U.S.; (b) fostering a security partnership with Japan; and (c) pushing for the immediate passage of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-China Code of Conduct (CoC) of the Parties in the South China Sea. In conclusion, this paper argues that the Duterte Administration's current objective is to restrain Chinese aggressive behavior in the South China Sea by maintaining its alliance with the U.S., fostering a security partnership with Japan, and playing a more active role in the ASEAN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental integrity can be a critical factor for political stability. China, the world's second largest economy and largest manufacturing nation, is a fit case for such investigation. China achieved an annual average GDP growth rate of 9.7% between 1979 and 2009, and 10.5% per year between 2001 and 2010. The impressive growth, however, brought in its trail environmental degradation, especially pollution, which spawned respiratory diseases and threatened life expectancy, apart from forming “cancer villages.” This paper examines and evaluates the criticality and magnitude of the political implications of environmental pollution for the Chinese Community Party (CCP) by taking mass protests and dilemmatic issues into account, as well as offering a critique of the CCP's green growth strategy. The paper concludes that in the activism-social-media-charged atmosphere, trust building between state and society is essential, especially by launching proactive crackdown on pollution and communicating the genuineness of anti-pollution efforts to the public. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We argue that the choice of electoral rules in Chinese villages results from the incentives that rural party elites face in their efforts to control electoral results. Using the rationalist approach, we propose four conditions under which they will adopt an institution that allows for electoral uncertainty: a large proportion of revenue from village-owned enterprises (VOEs), a large size of electorate, the presence of strong social groups, and frequent upper level government interventions. We use the 2011 Wukan incident to illustrate our argument. The cross-sectional analysis of survey data of 961 villages provides some evidence for the hypotheses: A larger number of labor force and frequent inspections by the upper-level government are significantly correlated with an increase of the likelihood that a village party leader allows villagers to freely nominate candidates. Theoretical and policy implications will be discussed in the end of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper aims to analyze the leadership of Chief Executive C.Y. Leung who took office to govern Hong Kong in July 2012 under China's political framework of “One Country, Two Systems.” As Hong Kong enters into a new period of politics in the process of democratization, there are several major political tasks that the Hong Kong chief executive must handle. These include the search for a consensus on the methods of electing the chief executive in 2017 on the basis of universal suffrage; the response to the call for reforming the Legislative Council in 2016 to prepare for the election of the whole Legislative Council through direct election in 2020; the resolution of conflicts between China and Hong Kong. It is therefore significant and timely to evaluate Leung's leadership so as to project Hong Kong's political development in the remaining four years under his leadership. This paper argues that Leung's leadership stresses “incremental development” based on the status quo, a “reflector model” of governance, “transactional mediation,” and a “role-determined leadership.” In the context of the existing Beijing–Hong Kong power relationship and Leung's conservative political outlook, it is a matter of doubt whether Leung's leadership can effectively withstand the political challenges ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the 1980s, Hong Kong triad societies have evolved from hierarchical, pyramidal organizations to loose, compartmentalized syndicates that retain a modicum of hierarchy. Changes in triad organization and modus operandi occurred in response to stringent anti-organized crime measures enacted in Hong Kong. However, organizational evolution has facilitated triad transplantation to China and improved triads’ ability to engage in transnational crime. Triads have exploited favorable circumstances in China: prevalent corruption, rapid urbanization, and high demand for illicit goods and services. This paper includes two case studies of the Sun Yee On triad. The first examines Sun Yee On's localized activity by tracing the evolution of one Shenzhen area chapter. The second case study examines Sun Yee On's role as a supplier of methamphetamine precursor chemicals to Mexico's Sinaloa cartel. Sun Yee On exemplifies how modern triads have become hybridized, assuming attributes of both local Chinese organized crime and transnational criminal networks. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent commentary on China's approach to Afghanistan has argued that it is either driven by opportunistic “free riding” on US-NATO efforts or a fundamental caution determined by security concerns in its restive province of Xinjiang. In contrast, this paper argues that China has three primary goals with respect to Afghanistan that mirror those toward the other states in “Greater Central Asia”: (1) to ensure the security of Xinjiang; (2) to secure the development of greater economic links, including investment in natural resources; and (3) to combat the influence of the United States and India. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Organized economic cooperation among China, South Korea (Republic of Korea) and Japan has been difficult due to the "Asia Paradox" and different interests. However, the digital age is fostering cooperation and interdependence among the three countries. As a result, it is time to explore new areas and methods of cooperation. Therefore, this study focuses on and analyzes the possibility and impacts of digital trade cooperation among the three countries in the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Applying a tripartite cooperation model, this study analyzes the relative advantages of the three countries in digital trade and the "benefits" and "costs" of establishing a Digital Trade Agreement (DTA). The research indicates that the power basis for establishing an equal relationship exists. However, the "cost" of establishing a trilateral DTA is higher than the short-term "benefit," providing insufficient motivation to develop a trilateral DTA in the short-term. Nevertheless, this study suggests that in the long run, due to new opportunities and crises, the three countries will still seek to pursue a DTA in different ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's opening and reform process was constituted as a temporal phase of its Sonderweg, centered on the symbiosis with the West. It also included a centrifugal effect stemming from the "unipolar" appearance of the international system, yet temporalised differently from the retentional-protentional "now" of the symbiosis. China's symbiosis-phase can be defined as a modus vivendi, conducted on selective and partial integration through "reframing" and rendering its authoritarianism a guarantee for the sustainability of the selected symbiotic elements which in turn shielded the authoritarianism that Beijing de facto equated to "authenticity." However, a new temporal phase of the Sonderweg emerged when the centrifugal effect was transferred from its anticipatory horizon into the retentional-protentional field, as the main elements of the symbiosis faced erosion. This re-temporalisation engendered a systemic challenge through expansionism and promotion of the authoritarianism with a "multipolarist" discourse. The BRI appears as the most visible, encompassing and transformative content framework of this new phase. However, it faces three serious impasses: An inter-multipolarist one in the "Belt" area, a systemic one with the emerging reaction and mobilization of the democracies in the "Road" area and one pertaining to the viability of the BRI due to its conduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents the text of a policy paper presented by Taiwan's Mainland Affairs Council Chairman Chang King-yuh at the National Unification Council meeting on July 22, 1998, which deals with the cross-strait relations between China and Taiwan.

Presents a study on the relationships between industrial structures, income and gender inequality in manufacturing employment in Hong Kong using the segmentation approach. Theoretical perspective; Economic segmentation and women's employment; Empirical evidence on segmentation theory; Industrial dualism in Hong Kong; Profile of women in the manufacturing industries; Methodology used in the study; Results of the study; Conclusion.

Presents information on the relationship between the U.S. and China. Impact of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War on the U.S.; Effects of the Cold War on China's economic and political power; Information on a conference convened by the Stanley Foundation in Seattle, Washington in July 2000.

This study examines the Sino-Japanese strategic foreign aid competition in the Philippine infrastructure sector. It argues that the practice of geoeconomics in East Asian affairs has intensified as a result of China's rise as a great-power competitor and the growing nexus of security and economics in the region. In order to make their foreign aids attractive, Japan has adopted a set of normative principles that are encapsulated in its "Quality Infrastructure" as a strategy, while China continues to emphasize the principles of Chinese aid and the adoption of the BRI. The article found, among other outcomes, that the existing maritime dispute between the Philippines and China affects the legitimacy and attractiveness of Chinese assistance. On the other hand, due to their deepening bilateral relation, Japan remains the Philippines's most important bilateral development partner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article challenges the simplistic view that U.S. leadership in East Asia is weakening relative to China's increasing ability to shape the regional order, which will force other states to choose between these two powers. Based on interviews with political elites, analysts, and academics in the United States, China, Japan, and Indonesia, we argue that the East Asian order transition is more complex and nuanced, especially when we examine views toward: (1) the Sino–U.S. rivalry for regional leadership; (2) whether Chinese initiatives such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road Initiative disrupt the current order; and (3) the preferred vision of regional order for each of the four countries. While there is hardly a consensus view about issues of regional order, it appears that in the short to medium term, China is not expected to substantially overhaul the existing East Asian order. Nevertheless, Beijing is likely to chip away at U.S. regional leadership and, in the long term, would presumably seek to create an order that would sustain its rise and maintain its regional preponderance. The responses of other regional stakeholders toward these developments would be vital in shaping the collective impact on the East Asian order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the reason behind the dramatic shift in Philippine foreign policy under the Duterte Administration. His predecessor, president Benigno Aquino, vigorously challenged China's expansive territorial claim in the South China Sea throughout his six-year term. However, president Rodrigo Duterte's actions and pronouncements are undoing the former president's geopolitical agenda of balancing China's expansion in the disputed waters. He distances the Philippines from the United States, its long-standing treaty ally, and gravitates toward China. This stance aims to earn goodwill with China so that the Philippines can avail itself of enormous aids and loans from China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This stemmed from this administration's fear that the Philippines would not benefit from China's emergence as an economic power. Nevertheless, by appeasing an expansionist power, the Philippines becomes complicit to China's long-term strategy of maritime expansion to push the United States out of East Asia. In conclusion, the article warns that the Duterte Administration might end up losing the country's exclusive economic zone (EEZ) in the South China Sea and the confidence and trust of its allies and security partners. This administration might also leave the public coffers empty and dry because of China's reneging on its commitment to fund the Philippines' massive infrastructure-building program, labeled "Build, Build, and Build." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the paramount human rights and development crisis facing China and India—water scarcity. Both countries are facing alarming water shortages that are exacerbated by dangerous pollution levels, population growth, and climate change impacts such as drought, elevated water-borne disease episodes, flooding, and salt-water intrusion. Millions of citizens in China and India are deprived of safe, clean water in their environment, which threatens healthy socio-economic development. Through the perspective of the human security paradigm, the article analyzes the water security scenario in each country. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the political crises of Hong Kong after the mass sit-in of the Occupy Central Movement. Lasted for 79 days, the mass-in of the Movement was organized to force the governments of China and Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to adopt a genuine democratic process for electing the chief executive of Hong Kong in year 2017. The end of the Occupy Central Movement mass sit-in did not solve the disagreements between the government and the supporters from the pan-democratic camp on the issue of democratization. Hong Kong is suffering a certain degree of political decay with declining political strength in consolidating a democratic model, maintaining legitimacy, running an effective government, cementing social cohesion, and preserving high degree of autonomy. Consequently, the political capability of Hong Kong government to govern is weakening and its political strength is deteriorating. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, there have been no national protest movements in the People's Republic of China (PRC). This is the longest period in the history of the PRC without a major national protest movement. Nonetheless, the number of small, local protests or “mass incidents” (as they are termed by the Chinese government) has increased from 9,000 a year in 1994 to over 180,000 in 2010. Most of these incidents target local party and government agencies and/or local firms. Protests by peasants are often motivated by land confiscation by local governments, while worker protests are often over firm treatment of works (including pay, benefits, and job security). More general protests arise over what participants perceive as unfair and illegal extractions of fines, fees, and other payments by local government and party units. We present a theoretical argument on how grievances and mobilization capacity affect the likelihood of protests occurring in a locale. We then test propositions derived from this theory with provincial level data for the period 1995–2010. This study represents one of the first to test predictors of the frequency of mass incidents at the province level. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This is the third time that American policy makers have considered a pivot to Asia. This time is different, however, because it is clear that the base of gravity of the global economy is shifting from West to East. As the most powerful nation in the Asia-Pacific, the United States has an overriding national interest in the preservation of regional prosperity and order. But Washington recognizes that it can no longer impose solutions on the major governments in the region. A new U.S. strategy for the Asia-Pacific will have to take into account the very strict limits imposed on U.S. foreign and defense policies by America's relative economic decline. This means that Washington will have to convince its friends and allies to take greater responsibility for regional security. The so-called San Francisco system of U.S.-sponsored alliances will have to be transformed, in order to make it more responsive to the problems that confront America and its regional friends and allies. This essay will draw upon Joseph Nye's concept of ideal and material resources to assess the viability and adaptability of the San Francisco system. It will also consider the merits of the Pentagon's proposed AirSea Battle concept as a response to Chinese military modernization and as a source of reassurance for Washington's regional friends and allies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The U.S. Navy SEAL raid in Abbottabad, Pakistan, and Islamabad's subsequent turn toward China have highlighted one of the most remarkable legacies of the Cold War: the persistence of a strategic triangle composed of China, Pakistan, and the United States. Throughout much of the Cold War, China and the United States competed to keep Pakistan within their particular sphere of influence, while Pakistan deftly took advantage of the subtle power struggle to improve its security profile vis-à-vis India. Despite persistent competition, the nations of the strategic triangle enjoyed three major convergence points: (1) the 1969–71 period, when Pakistan acted as a conduit for secret talks between Beijing and Washington, which subsequently led to mutual coordination during the 1971 Indo-Pakistan war; (2) the decade following the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan in 1979; and (3) the years following the 9/11 attacks in the United States, when global focus turned to Afghanistan and terrorism. This third convergence around terrorism is particularly salient, as Pakistan is increasingly viewed globally as both a source of terrorist activity and a victim of terrorist violence. In the long term, the strategic triangle may act as a modulating force that may prevent instability within nuclear-capable Pakistan, as well as constrain activities by certain Pakistani state organs that may be linked to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and clandestine support for militant organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In foreign policy realm, Chinese think tanks are day by day getting more influential, complex, and numerous. This article is an effort to trace the nature, scope, typology, and influence of policy advice institutions in China against the time blocks of past, present, and future. After defining the factors working behind the present growth of think tanks in China, the present era is also substantiated for all non-Chinese actors as the unprecedented time of access and interaction since 1949. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the subprime-induced financial crisis broke out in the U.S. housing sector in the summer of 2007 and mushroomed into a global financial crisis by September 2008, it was widely believed that the Asian economies, especially the 'big four'-Japan, China, South Korea, and India-would remain largely immune from the worst of the crisis. However, this assumption has proven to be false. All four countries have felt the negative impact of the financial contagion-albeit differently. Whereas China and India have been moderately impacted, Japan and South Korea have experienced heightened financial instability, sharp economic contraction, and a deep recession. What explains the big four's vulnerability to the crisis, and why have Japan and South Korea been affected more negatively than China and India? How have the four countries responded to the crisis, and what can they do to further insulate their economies from the vagaries of the global financial markets? In this article, the author addresses these interrelated issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on a review of current literature to ascertain relationships among water scarcity, economic growth, and social stability in China, with particular emphasis on identifying any mechanisms by which China's water scarcity could lead to political instability. First, the author examines the magnitude and extent of water scarcity and distribution issues in China, including current trends with respect to water usage and availability and the resulting economic impacts, highlighting the ultimate necessity of an effective government response. He then assesses current government policies and determines them to be inadequate to alleviate water scarcity, while at the same time, such policies engender antagonism between different regions within China. Finally, the author examines the social, economic, and political consequences of some of the most common and obvious policy prescriptions for addressing water scarcity issues. From this emerge numerous potential mechanisms by which these policies could threaten domestic stability if implemented in the political and economic context of China, as well as several factors that point to the likelihood of China's leaders channeling popular frustration externally, to the detriment of both regional stability and great power relations. China's water scarcity issue thus not only poses a significant resource management challenge but also carries potentially serious ramifications for international peace and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, China and India have come to be considered rising great powers by many analysts and scholars around the globe. Although the future course of relations between these two rising states could evolve along a number of paths, their shared history of troubled relations and current tensions suggest that their bilateral relations will be increasingly adversarial. In particular, both states are home to powerful nationalist movements with expansive worldviews. As India and China continue their rise to global imminence, these nationalist forces have the power to put the two states on a collision course. In this article, the author evaluates the history and contemporary power of nationalism in each nation today, analyzing in particular Indian nationalist attitudes toward China and Chinese nationalist perceptions of India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Chinese president Hu Jintao took office in March 2003, Beijing has gradually developed a new approach to the Taiwan issue. The new strategy appears to be “speak softly and carry a big stick” toward proponents of Taiwanese independence and relying on Washington to rein in the proindependence Democratic Progressive Party on the one hand, and, on the other hand, actively seeking reconciliation with the anti-independence Chinese Nationalist Party by offering economic benefits to Taiwan and making limited concessions on some difficult bilateral issues—including the sovereignty issue—to promote better economic and social relations and to undercut support for Taiwanese independence. Although the new approach has contributed to the current reconciliation, there is no change in Beijing's fundamental principles, and the current rapprochement is largely limited to the area of economic cooperation. The long-term impact of the rapid economic integration should not be underestimated. Taiwan may also become socially and culturally integrated with the People's Republic of China, and the foundation will be laid for eventual reunification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mediating regional conflict in Asia is a delicate art. It requires an acute understanding of the unique mediation culture in the region. China's mediation in the nuclear crisis on the Korean Peninsula reveals key elements of this art and offers useful lessons. China's experience illustrates that an influential but neutral and harmony-oriented mediator is critical in the Asian context. It is equally essential for the mediator to (1) abide by the principle of noninterference in other countries' internal affairs while maintaining active intervention as dispute escalates, (2) stand ready to nudge those being mediated toward action when necessary to advance peaceful negotiations, (3) establish an optimal environment to foster communication and reduce hostility between the major parties in dispute, (4) serve as an honest broker but remain firm in its own position and cautiously take initiatives to guide the talks, (5) advocate a step-by-step approach to the negotiation process, and (6) aim for the outcome of negotiations to be a give-and-take agreement. Although Asia is a conflict-prone region, Asians traditionally confuse mediation with meddling. As a result, non-Asians often try to serve as mediators for Asia. For more effective mediations, it is essential that Asians rediscover their useful mediation skills and that non-Asians better understand the Asian art of mediation when they act as mediator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author analyzes the post-2003 transformation of China from a revolutionary Communist regime into one of "normal governance" (a term Premier Wen Jiabao coined in 2003), placing the change in a comparative framework pioneered by Crane Brinton in his monumental study of the four classic revolutions (French, English, American, and Bolshevik). Crane Brinton found a universal pattern that he called the Thermidorean reaction, a surprisingly early return to normalcy. In borrowed medical language, he likened it to convalescence following the fever of the crisis stage of revolution. However, it is difficult to identify this stage in the Chinese Revolution. The author traces the long, convoluted course of the Chinese Revolution through four generations of leadership, from Mao Zedong to Deng Xiaoping to Jiang Zemin to Hu Jintao, to identify the start of the Thermidorean reaction in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China appears to be many things at once: it has wealthy cities and poor villages; the futuristic cityscape of Shanghai exists alongside ancient traditional temples; it is a Communist state and a booming capitalist economy; it shows a Han Chinese face to the world as it struggles with multinational diversity; it ranks well on governance for its economic development index but still confronts enormous governance challenges. How well China deals with its governance challenges will impact not only all of Asia but also the entire world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent naval ship visits and exchanges of goodwill between China and Japan suggest an improvement in the two countries' bilateral relationship, which had been steadily deteriorating since the late 1990s. In the longer term, however, Sino-Japanese relations will likely be tested or constrained by five key sets of issues: (1) territorial and resource disputes, (2) nationalism and issues of mutual antipathy, (3) Taiwan's political status, (4) the rapid rise of China's military power, and (5) the U.S.-Japan security alliance. The manner in which these issues are managed or resolved will likely play a major role in shaping the Sino-Japanese relationship and thus the overall geopolitical environment in East Asia. A key complicating factor in the relationship, however, is the persistence of divergent worldviews: Chinese leaders appear to be more consistently persuaded by realist notions of international politics, whereas Japanese leaders tend to favor liberal-institutionalist values. The two countries may use these different lenses to view the same incident or issue, potentially creating misunderstanding and miscalculation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hu Jintao regime is likely to remain in power until the Eighteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in late 2012. It must, however, pick or groom a suitable elite and leaders to succeed Hu. The successors need to learn to navigate within the safe zones of a series of dialectical models to maintain the mainstream market-economy line of the CPC leadership within the context of Chinese Communism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the first half of this century the international political system will include two new rising powers—India and China. These two countries will effect great changes on the dynamics of the U.S. hegemonic framework; exactly how these changes will manifest themselves remains speculative. While Sino-American and Indo-American economic and political exchanges will be scrutinized, mulled over, and rehashed, the relationship between China and India demands equal attention. These two rising giants will flourish nearly simultaneously, an economic and geopolitical phenomenon unrivaled in recorded history. Policies between the two countries will be a direct reflection of their perceptions of each other. Academic literature and media coverage of India's perceptions of China is bountiful, but because of language and cultural barriers information on perceptions going the other direction—from China toward India—is limited at best. This article helps fill this gap in the academic literature. A fresh look at Chinese perceptions of India for the twenty-first century has been gleaned from a review of current literature and media and, more importantly, through primary research with contemporary scholars, bureaucrats, and journalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the presidency of Taiwan's Chen Shui-bian from 2000, when he was elected the first non-Nationalist Party (Kuomintang or KMT) president to the present. Chen enjoyed broad support at home and abroad, but that soon changed. Three criteria are used to assess his presidency: governance (including political reform), the economy, and his handling of foreign and defense policy. The article concludes that while Chen faced a difficult situation, including having a weak mandate and a legislature controlled by a hostile opposition, he failed to show leadership and resorted to exploiting ethnic tensions. Gridlock resulted. Chen meanwhile saw economic decline and deteriorating relations with the United States and China. Finally, Chen succumbed to corruption. In short, Chen's presidency was a failed one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Known as "Mr. Money" and "Superman" in Hong Kong and Asia, Li Ka-shing epitomizes China's spectacular rise from a moribund communist state to a free market colossus. One year after Deng Xiaoping launched his modernization process in 1978, Li purchased a British firm in Hong Kong called Hutchison Whampoa. From then on, his ability to create wealth globally exploded exponentially. Using a case study approach, the author analyzes Li's systematic rise from poverty and life as a plastic flower salesman to one of the world's richest individuals with investments in banks, container ports, digital and traditional media, energy, property, and retail. What emerges from this article is an entrepreneur so skilled in reading the market, so astute in hiring talent, so bold in creating and divesting investments, so Chinese in his business values, and so loyal in bringing friends into his financial arena that creating wealth seemed almost like an after-thought. Yet for his sons, Victor and Richard, the challenge is to equal or surpass their father. To know why and how Li Ka-shing became wealthy is to know why China is such a commercial success today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the long-term implications of the January 2007 launching of China's first successful antisatellite missile into space on China-U.S.-Taiwan relations. While the launch caused alarm across the Taiwan Strait, views in the United States were mixed as to whether the launch was the beginning of the militarization of space or a bid to force the United States to sign a treaty to avoid a costly arms race. The article examines these views in the context of historical tensions between China and the United States over Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Pedersen's concept of cooperative hegemony, this article examines the prospect of China's peaceful emergence in East Asia. It notes that China has the essential characteristics to become a cooperative hegemon, spearheading an asymmetrical federation among its neighbors in the region. It also observes that China presently employs a number of foreign policy strategies that will enable it to effect a peaceful emergence except in one respect--its ability to accommodate the presence and interests of two hegemonic powers in East Asia. In conclusion, the article asserts that the peaceful emergence of China is possible if it can tactfully manage its relations with the United States with respect to Taiwan, and develop an innovative approach in dealing with Japan, the current cooperative hegemon in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the notion that China is a pacifist country. Division among scholars on China about notion of Chinese pacifism; Discussion on the realist perspective on state behavior; Complexity of the history of imperial China hindering a ready examination of the country's propensities; Emergence of the modern state of China; Problems that must be surpassed by scholars who advocate a pacifist China to make their point of view valid and acceptable empirically.

Examines the vulnerability of China separatism in Tibet. Factor that will further diminish the vulnerability of China to separatism; Perceived and real vulnerabilities to separatism; Primary difference between the Soviet Union and China.

Discusses the internal and external challenges of Uyghur separatism and Islamic radicalism to Chinese rule om Xinjiang, China. Commonly held perceptions on the situation in Xinjiang; Historical background of Uyghur separatism; Real separatist conflicts; Role played by communications media in the Xinjiang situation.

Analyzes recent events in China and focuses on the transition to a market-oriented economic system and political liberalization. Major features of the Chinese model, the limitations of the Chinese approach and the implications of Chinese reforms for other developing countries; Incremental economic reform with delayed political liberalization; Weaknesses of the Chinese model.

Explores the possible contributions of rationalist interpretations in international relations scholarship in understanding extended deterrence in the Taiwan Strait. Definition of extended deterrence; Factors the hinder efforts by states to reconcile China and Taiwan; Discussion on determining the success of a deterrence policy.

Discusses the postwar Japan-China relations. Indications of poor Sino-Japanese relations; Reason behind the unwillingness of the Chinese society to accept Japan as a normal country; Factors which contribute to a more active Japanese foreign and defense policy.

Discusses the ideological paradigm shifts of the world views of China since the founding of the Communist Party of China in 1921. Reasons behind the disadvantage of the analysts in the West in interpreting Chinese ideological paradigm shifts; Definition of ideology according to American modernization theorist David Apter; Philosophical view of Karl Marx regarding history.

Explores the questions of whether the growing economic integration across the Taiwan Strait might help in overcoming the deadlock in high politics created by the views of the People's Republic of China and Republic of China on Taiwan on the issue of sovereignty. Theory of how growing integration and social communication create the bases for a community; Description of the economic and social processes linking Taiwan to China; Impact of the periodic crises between Beijing and Taipei.

Highlights the absence of protest movements in China since the 1989 prodemocracy demonstrations in Tiananmen Square in Beijing. Function of collective action theories; Free rider effects of protest movements; Importance of dissident leadership; Factors that are likely to make aggrieved individuals participate in demonstrations.

Discusses how historical circumstances shaped the relationship of the U.S. with Taiwan and China. Changing attitudes of U.S. presidents towards China; Lobby efforts of Taiwan in the U.S.; Shape of post-Cold War alliances in the 21st century in light of the war on terrorism.

Discusses the approach of U.S. President Jimmy Carter to China-U.S. relations by analyzing it from the perspective of foreign policy advisers. Views on the approach of the government towards its relationship with China; Explanation of the decision-making process that produced the foreign policy; Overview on the China policy of the U.S. government.