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China is highly concerned about its global image and is thus increasingly active in promoting itself globally. The most prominent and most controversial tool of China’s global image management is the Confucius Institute (CI). Launched in 2004 to introduce Chinese language and culture globally, CIs are normally joint ventures between Chinese and international universities, and are partially funded by the Chinese government. These close links with official China have raised concerns about their aims and have triggered heated debates about their intentions. While proponents describe CIs as a benign instrument of cultural exchange, critics define them as the propaganda arm of the Chinese Communist Party. This paper provides empirical evidence related to these debates as it critically engages with the actual content CIs present to their audiences by analysing internal work reports from 50 CIs in Asia, Africa, Europe and the Americas. The paper outlines the specific narratives CIs present to global audiences and finds a clear agenda to present an apolitical version of China by emphasising elements of traditional Chinese culture and mostly avoiding controversial political topics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China ANGELA ZITO. Of Body and Brush: grand Sacrifice as Text/Performance in Eighteenth‐Century China. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998. xix, 311 pp. US$17.95, paper. JAMES D. SEYMOUR and RICHARD ANDERSON. New Ghosts Old Ghosts: prisons and Labor Reform Camps in China. Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1998. xvii, 313 pp. Bibliography, tables, charts, maps, index. No price given, hardcover. ANDREW NATHAN. China's Transition. New York: Columbia University Press, 1998. xiv, 313 pp. US$27.50, paper. Y. M. YEUNG and DAVID K. Y. CHU (eds). Guangdong: survey of a Province Undergoing Rapid Change, 2nd ed. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1998. xviii, 536 pp. HK$310.00, hardcover. Japan and Korea STEVEN D. CARTER (ed & trans). Unforgotten Dreams: poems by the Zen Monk Shotetsu. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997. xxx, 232 pp. US$19.00, paper. LAURA HEIN and MARK SELDEN (eds). Living with the Bomb: American and Japanese Cultural Conflicts in the Nuclear Age. Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1997. 300 pp. US$19.95, paper. ROY STARRS. An Artless Art: the Zen Aesthetic of Shiga Naoya. Surrey: Curzon Press, 1998. 261 pp. US$47.00, hardcover. VICTOR ARGY and LESLIE STEIN. The Japanese Economy. London: Macmillan, 1997. 379 pp. £47.50, hardcover; £17.50, paper. MARISAKO and HIROKI SATO (eds). Japanese Labour and Management in Transition: diversity, Flexibility and Participation. London: Routledge, 1997. 344 pp. £50.00, hardcover; £14.99, paper. KEVIN WATKINS. Economic Growth with Equity: lessons from East Asia. Oxford: Oxfam, 1998. 160 pp. £6.95, paper. South Asia S. W. R. DE A. SAMARASINGHE and VIDYAMALI SAMARASINGHE. Historical Dictionary of Sri Lanka (Asian/Oceanian Historical Dictionaries, no. 26) Lanham, Md. and London: Scarecrow Press, 1998. xliii, 214 pp. Chronology, appendices, bibliography. US$38.50, hardcover. Southeast Asia HERMAN C. KEMP. Bibliographies on Southeast Asia. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1998. Bibliographical Series no 22. xix, 1128 pp. NLG 175, paper. DAVID LEE (ed). Documents on Australian Foreign Policy 1937–49, volume XV: Indonesia 1949. Canberra: Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 1998. xxv, 675 pp. A$57.50, hardcover; $37.50, paper. J. TH. LINDBLAD (ed). Historical Foundations of a National Economy in Indonesia, 1890s‐1990s. Amsterdam: Koninklijke Nederlandse Academie van Wetenschappen, 1996 (Verhandelingen, Afd. Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks, deel 167). viii, 427 pp. NLG 95, paper. MANUEL F. MONTES. The Currency Crisis in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, third reprint (updated), 1998. xxxvii, 88 pp. US$24.00, hardcover; US$17.90, paper. DANG PHONG and MELANIE BERESFORD. Authority Relations and Economic Decision‐making in Vietnam: an Historical Perspective. Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 1998. 117 pp. £30.00. BOB REECE. Masa Jepun: Sarawak under the Japanese 1941–1945. N.p.: Sarawak Literary Society, n.d. xix, 254 pp. No price given, hardcover. D. S. RANJIT SINGH and JATSWAN S. SIDHU. Historical Dictionary of Brunei Darussalam. Lanham, MD and London: Scarecrow Press, 1997. xliv, 179 pp. Asian/ Oceanian Historical Dictionaries no. 25. 9 maps. US$64.00, hardcover. C. VAN DIJK and J. LEEMBURG‐DEN HOLLANDER. European Directory of South‐East Asian Studies, x, 618 pp. NLG 40. JORGE MANUEL DOS SANTOS ALVES. O Dominio do Norte de Sumatra. A historia dos sultanatos de Samudera‐Pacem e de Achem e das suas relacoes com os Portugueses (1500–1580). Lisbon: Sociedade Historica da Independencia de Portugal, 1999. General Asia TON OTTO and AD BORSBOOM (eds). Cultural Dynamics of Religious Change in Oceania. Verhandelingen 176. Leiden: KITLV Press, 1997. viii, 144 pp. NLG 40, paper. RONG‐I WU and YUN‐PENG CHU (eds). Business, Markets and Government in the Asia Pacific: competition Policy, Convergence and Pluralism. London: Routledge, 1998. x, 348 pp. Bibliography, figures, tables, index. £19.99, paper. DARRELL Y. HAMAMOTO and RODOLFO D. TORRES (ed). New American Destinies: a Reader in Contemporary Asian and Latino Immigration. London: Routledge, 1997. 350 pp. £16.99, paper. RUTH HAYHOE and JULIA PAN (eds). East‐West Dialogue in Knowledge and Higher Education. Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1996. xvii, 316 pp. US$72.95, hardcover. EVA‐MARIE KROLLER, ALLAN SMITH, JOSUA MOSTOW, ROBERT KRAMER (eds). Pacific Encounters: the Production of Self and Others. Vancouver: Institute of Asian Research, 1997. 217 pp. CAN$19.95, paper. INSTITUTE OF ASIAN RESEARCH, UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. The Empowerment of Asia: reshaping Global Society. Vancouver: The Institute, University of British Columbia, c. 1998. 137 pp. CAN$10.00, paper. ROBERT ALDRICH and JOHN CONNELL. The Last Colonies. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998. xiv, 335 pp. A$59.95, hardcover. R. F. WAITERS and T. G. McGEE, with GINNY SULLIVAN (eds). Asia‐Pacific: new Geographies of the Pacific Rim. Bathurst, NSW: Crawford House Publishing, 1997. xxi, 362 pp. No price given, paper. HAIDER A. KHAN. Technology, Development and Democracy: limits of National Innovation Systems in the Age of Postmodernism. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 1998. x, 198 pp. £49.95, hardcover. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Introduction argues that Southeast Asian liberalisms have often been misrecognised – or even ignored – by scholars because liberals in the region do not conform to the expectations of 'benchmark' liberalism of the West. It points to efforts by liberal actors to promote a viable political discourse or to defend a liberal minimum in hostile environments, often leading localised pragmatic liberalisms to travel far from the ideals of benchmark liberalism. In seeking to advance the study of liberalism in Southeast Asian Studies it introduces the work of two major theorists, Duncan Bell and Michael Freeden, whose distinctive approaches offer an opportunity to think of liberalism in ways that enable its identification in Southeast Asian locations. It then provides brief summaries of each of the papers, which offer comparative or country-level analysis, bringing into view historical and contemporary manifestations of liberalism in the region. It concludes with comments about possible research paths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports on the call for papers issued by `The Asia-Pacific Magazine' journal. Background on the magazine; Features; Contact information.

Do justiciable legal frameworks for the protection of human rights (JLFPHR) promote the realisation of human rights in countries with low quality democracies? If so, under what conditions? And what do answers to these questions imply for activists’ strategies for promoting human rights? This essay considers these questions drawing on the papers published here on Indonesia, Nepal, Malaysia and Timor Leste. It suggests that while rights agendas encounter serious political, social and institutional obstacles in low quality democracies, JLFPHR make a positive contribution to rights realisation by: (i) aiding political mobilisation by poor and marginalised groups and their supporters in the NGO movement and (ii) providing a legal basis for these groups to challenge rights breaches through the courts, at least where viable legal pathways for such efforts exist and these groups can muster the financial, organisational and technical resources required to launch and sustain court cases. In terms of strategy, the paper thus suggests that, in addition to constructing JLFPHR, rights activists should focus on facilitating political mobilisation around rights issues, constructing legal pathways that are likely to be receptive to rights causes, and creating support structures to enable citizens to exploit these pathways. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Discusses various articles published within the issue, including a research on modern Japanese literature and another on the review of the book "Shônen," Kawabata Yasunari .

This paper examines nation branding in the context of post-coup Thailand. It challenges the dominant view within the nation-branding literature that nation branding is an externally-oriented, apolitical, business-derived practice aimed at increasing a country’s global competitive advantage. Instead, the paper argues, nation branding is a highly-politicised practice that is primarily aimed at changing the social attitudes and behaviours of the nation’s citizens. To demonstrate the political nature and internal focus of nation branding, this paper examines one of Thailand’s recent branding initiatives - the Thailand 4.0 project - that promotes sustainable economic growth in a digital age. The paper first discusses nation branding from a theoretical perspective drawing on studies in the fields of business, international relations, culture and the media. Secondly, it contextualises Thai nation branding within the political developments of the past decade. Thirdly, it analyses the project’s contents and surrounding discourses, drawing on primary data gathered during the author’s 2016 field research in Thailand. The paper argues that Thailand 4.0 is an exercise in internal nation branding aimed at enhancing the military junta’s power and legitimacy by “selling” a vision of economic prosperity to the Thai people in exchange for their support, trust and loyalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Singapore's electoral autocracy is well known for its innovative use of political institutions such as Parliament and elections to enhance its durability, but relatively little attention has been paid to decentralised subnational institutions such as Town Councils, which require elected Members of Parliament to manage public housing estates in their constituencies. This paper focuses on Town Councils by examining the motives behind their formation and exploring how they serve as institutions to support authoritarianism. Based on analysis of a range of primary and secondary sources such as parliamentary Hansard, government documents and newspaper articles, this paper argues that the formation of Town Councils was politically motivated and specifically designed to thwart opposition growth. It also argues that Town Councils support authoritarianism in three ways. First, they create extra hurdles and disadvantages for the opposition. Second, they give the ruling party an additional election issue on which to attack the weaknesses of the opposition and allow it to shift the focus of elections in its favour. Lastly, they facilitate more effective and targeted material distribution and create more opportunities for elite co-optation. The implications of the study for Singapore politics and the role of decentralisation in electoral autocracies are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Foucault’s concept of power as a social relation of the unequal, this paper attempts to describe the resistance struggles of non-citizen domestic workers placed in a work environment beyond the reach of their support group. Based on a study conducted between 2001 and 2013 using non-consecutive in-depth interviews and participant observation among Filipino domestics in Kuala Lumpur, the paper’s findings indicate that the “victimisation” issue is not the only prism through which one can view the place of women migrant workers involved in transnational labour migration. The dynamic social interaction and the forging of different levels of social relationships in a strange sociocultural environment could be used to interpret other non-traditional spheres of interaction, such as language, cultural rituals and social labelling.  [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Asian Studies Review is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the impact of two of the gravest natural disasters in contemporary Asian history: Cyclone Nargis, which devastated parts of Myanmar in May 2008, and Typhoon Haiyan, which hit the Philippines in November 2013. It addresses the role played by greatly divergent governance structures, noting that governance failures led to the exacerbation of the disasters in both cases. The paper explores the links between the national government as the primary duty-bearer for good governance and natural disaster risk management, examining institutions, infrastructures, education and budgetary allocations in each country; seeking the underlying causes of inefficient disaster management. This includes the extent to which each government fell short in its response even though each country is regularly exposed to typhoons and tropical storms. In each case the findings are that the national resilience and government preparedness efforts to reduce the impact of natural disasters were insufficient, and that the authorities, either through lack of capacity or lack of will, experienced reaction shortcomings. The final section contains lessons learned and policy prescriptions in order to enhance resilience in the face of future natural disasters in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

With China’s economic rise and in particular its massive international trade surplus with the rest of the world, the exchange rate of its currency has come under increasing scrutiny in the new millennium. Based on a critical review of existing International Political Economy (IPE) theoretical approaches on exchange rate politics – theInnenpolitikapproaches and the international-domestic interaction approach – this paper argues that two-level game theory is a suitable tool for explaining the development of China’s exchange rate policy. By specifically examining the external factors and domestic sources of China’s exchange rate policy, this paper develops a complete analytical framework in which China’s central decision makers are understood to strive to reconcile international pressures and domestic bargainers when making decisions on exchange rate policy. After offering a theoretical review, revision and synthesis, the paper provides an empirical study of China’s 2005 exchange rate reform to specifically show how international factors played an agenda-setting role in China’s exchange rate policy making and how China’s domestic politics determined the pathway of the exchange rate reform in July 2005. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Angus Maddison and Gé Prince, editors. Economic Growth in Indonesia, 1820–1940. Dordrecht and Providence: Foris Publications, 1989. Pp. x, 300. Contents, preface, introduction, index. Paper. Anne Booth, W. J. O'Malley and Anna Weidemann, editors. Indonesian Economic History in the Dutch Colonial Era. New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, 1990. Monograph Series 35. Pp. xiv, 369. Contents, preface, introduction, tables, figures, bibliography, statistical sources. US$17.00, paper; US$30.00, cloth. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Asian Studies Review is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following its independence from Britain in 1947, Pakistan inherited territorial disputes with Afghanistan and India. The conflicts over the Durand Line demarcation and Pashtunistan became guiding factors in Afghanistan's opposition to Pakistan's membership of the United Nations. Since then, relations have been more conflictual than cooperative. The nature of the bilateral relationship has been overshadowed by mutual mistrust, despite the two nations' cultural links and Pakistan being home to the world's largest number of Afghan refugees. This article employs trust theory to explain why the two states continue to have less cooperative, more conflictual relations. Based on the analysis, this paper accepts that bilateral interactions between the two states are dominated more by the long legacy of mistrust than by a perceived need for cooperation, but argues that they act more "rationally" when they interact with each other in negotiations involving other countries (e.g., trustworthy hegemons), whether in connection with trade or security matters. This article argues that the manifestations of strategic trust in multi-party negotiations are largely due to the fear of losing enormous economic and geopolitical benefits from other actors, such as China and India, in case of non-cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the policy dilemma of South Korea’s Lee Myung-bak government regarding the greenhouse gas Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS), the cornerstone of the government’s Low Carbon Green Growth (GG) policy. The paper analyses policy governance, with a focus on the deliberative nature of the policy process. The ETS was promoted as a way to overcome certain international, political and socioeconomic challenges facing the government, yet the process of its establishment featured severe confrontations between the stakeholders (industrialists and environmentalists), and a lack of effort on the part of the government to pursue deliberation with them, resulting in a significant policy dilemma. The government reacted passively at first, and later responded with a symbolic decision that failed to pursue deliberative processes and exacerbated the situation. This paper addresses the theoretical and policy implications of this policy process by identifying the mechanism that created the policy dilemma. The reliability and validity of the study are substantiated through a multi-strategy approach, including a review of the literature and an in-depth interview with a government economic official. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the 1950s and 1960s, the modern Japanese state employed overseas cultural promotion as a way to maximise its interests and image not only in international contexts but also at home. By juxtaposing the Takarazuka Revue’s performances in the United States and Japan during the postwar period, this paper argues that the overseas promotion of this Japanese theatre troupe both depended upon and reinforced the Japanese populace’s nationalistic pride in its culture. The paper also addresses the ways in which the Japanese government used Takarazuka’s theatrical presentations as a means of pursuing its domestic and diplomatic agendas: improving Japan’s international position by proposing shared aspects of popular culture with the US and increasing its sense of nationalism by propagating cultural pride. In doing so, the paper explicates the ways in which Japanese popular cultural considerations interfaced with political concerns in the shaping of postwar Japan’s national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Debates about the increase in digital payments during COVID-19 have primarily focused on behavioural change among consumers. Using India as a case study, this article documents how supply-side actors (political, economic, financial and technological) used the pandemic to generate a new public consensus about digital payments. The article argues that these actors framed the agenda to draw public attention on cash and digital payments during the COVID-19 pandemic, that this new consensus extended and deviated from narratives created during the Digital India (2015) and demonetisation (2016) debates, and that trade bodies and businesses unrelated to banking, finance and technology were active in setting this new agenda. Agenda-setting in the pandemic era continues to mould the payments trajectory in both India and elsewhere. In India, we argue, it has challenged aspects of cash that previously elicited trust: its materiality and associated social interaction. Consequently, older agendas have been promoted, and digital (and especially contactless) payments have assumed a new level of importance to economic life in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the extent to which Nepali women are able to defend, enforce and/or expand their rights through engagement with the legal system. Research with two different women’s NGOs shows that it is extremely difficult for an individual woman – particularly one who is poor and marginalised – to engage with the legal system, but it becomes possible if undertaken with a women’s NGO that can effectively act as an intermediary. Drawing on Epp’s notion of a “support structure for legal mobilisation” (1998), this paper considers the broad range of resources necessary for poor and marginalised women aided by NGOs to engage with the judiciary. In doing so, it highlights the critical role of normative values and behaviours in facilitating or impairing legal mobilisation by women and the political, technical and social capacities of NGOs. The paper argues that while the legal framework is an important element in the realisation of women’s rights, legal engagement should nevertheless be seen as one part of a multi-pronged strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Assesses the applicability of Benedict Anderson's view of modern nation-state approach to Philippine studies. Relation of nation-state and social science; Relevance of the Philippine state for the state of social science; Changes in the fundamental role of the nation-state; Status of the nation-state in the present global condition.

This paper aims to reconstruct widely accepted concepts of the top-down authoritarian nature of Central Asian politics in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan through a comparative study of the pro-democratic movements that emerged in the late 1980s. By analysing data from interviews with the cultural elites of the late Soviet perestroika period and data on the indigenous nationalist movements such as Erk, Zheltoksan, Birlik and others, we question why such nationalist movements did not “survive” or emerge as a significant political platform as promised in post-independence Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, and why they failed to change the political outlook of one party rule or the dominance of one nationalising regime. Furthermore, we analyse how such nationalist movements had an opportunity to turn into semi-democratic movements but failed to transform after their agenda (arguably, independence) was achieved, leaving “communists-turned-nationalists” to continue their policies in newly formed countries. Thus, the paper also looks at how these cultural elites eventually contributed to the local “authoritarianism” and lack of plurality in views and identifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China matters significantly to contemporary Australia in terms of trade relations, capital movements, education and global order. Australian public discourse on China, however, inhabits two conflicting parallel universes, one a narrative of economic complementarity, the other of fear and anxiety. The spectre of the rise of China haunts Australian society in and among these two spheres: one in which China’s economic rise is to be encouraged as a sign of it joining the capitalist world system, and the other in which China’s ascent is regarded as a threat to be contained. The paper examines this problematic discourse, calling it Changst [China angst], arguing that it is permeated with a developmentalist logic (Chakrabarty, 2000) that misreads China through the homogenising history of both capitalism and Eurocentrism. This reading of China as but a copy of Western capitalism evokes anxiety because its distinctive forms of capital flow disrupt the comforting teleology. Equally, when Chinese society, including its education system, is perceived as not-yet modern, this induces fear of cultural contamination from the outpouring of Chinese international students. The exploration of this anxiety is conducted via six Australian case studies, showing how China’s engagement with Australia produces intense but unwarranted angst. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars tend to overlook the overseas Chinese press as a communicative tool for Chinese nationalism. This paper takes media history as its focal point to demonstrate the contextual influences that shaped the operations of Chinese print media and gave rise to the manifestation of the overseas Chinese (huaqiao) identity in Japan. In particular, it emphasises that the mobilisation of the modern Chinese nationalism movement of the time was not the sole determinant of Chinese identity. It was also influenced by the way in which Chinese ethnic boundaries came to be shaped and reshaped in different historical periods through the dynamics between overseas Chinese communities and Japanese society. I use two overseas Chinese publications from different periods to illustrate the impacts of modern Chinese nationalism and the changing social and political context of Japan on the Chinese press. Finally, I present a synthetic narrative to account for the history of the overseas Chinese press in Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the formation of overseas Chinese communities in cities constitutes a major trend in reform era China, conceptualisations of the relationship between the overseas Chinese and China remain divided. The overseas Chinese are seen either as temporary migrants with little attachment to the country or as inescapably connected to China through native place. This paper aims to move beyond this dichotomous understanding by examining the processes of place-making among overseas Chinese Christians in Shanghai, one of China’s major urban centres. It draws on ethnographic research conducted within a Christian network and illustrates how these Christians negotiated the forces of global capitalism, state regulations, and an indigenous Christian trajectory to construct a religious territory and centre Shanghai as home. By showing how they understand their place as Christians, this paper argues that economic restructuring in the reform period enabled the emergence of cities as new centres where the overseas Chinese are making a place for themselves. It contributes to the literature on the overseas Chinese and China by redirecting attention from the native place as the locus of overseas Chinese attachment to the city as a new centre of belonging.  [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Bertil Lintner. Land of Jade: A Journey Through Insurgent Burma. Edinburgh: Kiscadale Publications, 1990; Bangkok: White Lotus, 1990. Pp. xvii, 315. Contents, acknowledgements, introduction, maps, abbreviations, illustrations, epilogue. £12.50, paper. Bertil Lintner. The Rise and Fall of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). Ithaca, New York: SEAP, Cornell University, 1990. Pp. xii, 111. Contents, introduction, biographies, appendices, abbreviations, illustrations, maps. US$10.00, paper. Bertil Lintner. Outrage: Burma's Struggle for Democracy. London and Bangkok: White Lotus, 1990. Pp. vii, 208. Contents, acknowledgements, abbreviations, chronology, index, maps, colour plates. £12.50, paper. Bertil Lintner. Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma's Unfinished Resistance. Clayton, Victoria: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1990. Working Paper 64. Pp. 28. Glossary. $6.00, paper. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An introduction is presented that discusses the issue theme of women in Asia, along with articles on literary representations of rural Chinese migrant women, domestic violence in Makassar, Indonesia, and the social conditions of single women in Japan.

Concern has been growing recently in China about the well-being of children, women and the elderly “left behind” on the farm when family members leave the village in search of waged work. Increasingly, the left-behind are portrayed in academic and policy discourse as a “vulnerable group” of passive dependants, sidelined by modernisation and abandoned by their families. This paper challenges this discourse, arguing that while attention to the well-being of the left-behind is vital, there is an urgent need for a shift in focus from their vulnerability to their agency. The paper focuses on the agency of left-behind women between the ages of 50 and 80. It aims, first of all, to point the way toward an empirically richer understanding of the social construction of older women’s agency and well-being. The second aim of the paper is to suggest how different conceptualisations of “agency” and “older women” might contribute to more ethical and politically effective strategies for development and the improvement of women’s well-being. To further these two aims, the paper draws on fieldwork conducted in rural Ningxia, north-western China, and on critiques of the “capability approach” to development expounded by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper rethinks the article of religious freedom of the Meiji Constitution of 1889 and calls into question the liberalist paradigm employed to understand the Constitution and modern Japanese history. In this liberalist framework, the Constitution manifests the peculiar and authoritarian nature of the pre-war Japanese state. In particular, the 28th article, which provides for the conditional freedom of religious belief, is seen as no more than a cover for social control by the state. This paper examines the histories of the ideas of religion and freedom, and the religious freedom article, and argues that the most appropriate task is not to measure how much religious freedom the Meiji Constitution failed to guarantee against a de-historicised liberalism, but rather to consider the function of the very inclusion of religious freedom in the Constitution. I argue that the inclusion of religious freedom as a generic type of liberty in the Meiji Constitution was instrumental in the creation of the private modern individual as a subject-citizen. It is through this private individual citizen that the modern state as a public, secular authority was created. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper investigates the conceptual overlaps between transnational return migration and immigration by drawing on a qualitative study of Mainland Chinese return migration from Canada. The paper argues that reframing return migration as a distinct type of immigration draws attention to the citizenship vulnerabilities experienced by “middling” returnees who are not privy to the preferential treatment given to highly skilled returnees. They come to be considered as “foreigners” in their homeland because they have naturalised elsewhere. The paper also explores the double diasporic identifications of Mainland Chinese returnees from Canada; it highlights the tensions and fissures manifested in secondary diasporas, particularly in light of China’s growing prominence in international business, foreign diplomacy and cultural exchanges. The paper suggests that social encounters that marginalise such migrants in Canada are reproduced in China. The returnees navigate such encounters by mobilising their transnational affiliations to different national contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The persistence of factory strikes in Vietnam has strained the country’s industrial relations system. This paper examines workers’ strikes from a regulatory perspective to evaluate the effects and limitations of labour law in establishing harmonious labour relationships. In Vietnam, the Labour Code regulates employment relations on a contractual basis, stipulating certain rights and obligations for both employers and employees. Workers’ struggles for their rights and interests triggered some administrative measures by the state and unions, yet these measures were insufficient to tackle business non-compliance with the law. Based on a case study of a strike-affected enterprise, the analysis shows that employers and workers appeal to different aspects of labour law, which complicates the regulatory effects of strike settlement. The paper argues that labour tensions are symptoms of regulatory loopholes stemming from weaknesses in law enforcement and the ineffectiveness of the law in defending workers’ rights. The outcomes of strike settlement therefore further perpetuate workers’ subordination and workplace injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How has neo-liberalism transformed the economic structure and policies of India? And what are the politico-economic implications of such policies for marginalised populations? Following Karl Polanyi’s theory of “double movement”, this paper argues that while market liberalism has helped India overcome the slow so-called “Hindu rate of growth”, it has adversely affected the economic interests of the poor. It further argues that the expansion of the market (first movement) has led to various social dislocations in the lives of the poor. Such dislocations have generated several countermovements (second movement), which have found expressions not just in electoral politics but also in various grassroots movements. While it may be true that such countermovements have not always been successful in overturning the tide of neo-liberalism, they have certainly influenced the policy priorities of the state in favour of the poor and the marginalised in India. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The concept of “ulama” in the Indonesian context usually refers to Muslim scholars who have mastered Islamic knowledge and acquired the religious authority to issuefatwas based on Islamic jurisprudence. In Indonesia, the formulation offatwas is still undertaken almost exclusively by maleulama. This is despite the fact that a number of issues they discuss and thefatwas they produce are closely related to the lives and experiences of Muslim women. In response to this situation, femaleulamacadre programs have been set up by non-governmental organisations concerned with women’s empowerment. Against the background of these recently instituted femaleulamacadre programs, this paper examines the ways in which femaleulamaestablish community-based authority. Two major questions provide the basis for this research. First, how do maleulamarespond to and support femaleulamas’ claims to religious authority? Second, to what extent does community-based female authority interact with or challenge Indonesia’s male-dominated religious authority? To answer these questions, I interviewed femaleulamacadres of the organisation Rahima from different cohorts of the femaleulamacadre programs and from different social backgrounds. The research shed light on the extent to which femaleulamamay in the future exercisefatwa-issuing, that is, juristic, authority in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Miike Takashi’s Sukiyaki Western Django is a contemporary remake of Sergio Corbucci’s Spaghetti Western Django.In this updated Japanese version all of the characters speak English and there is a notable cameo appearance by Quentin Tarantino that references the continuous series of filmic exchanges that have taken place between Asia and the West, most notably in the context of action cinema. Rather than conceiving of the various movements and exchanges between the two films (and their predecessors) in terms of the search for an “original” or for the conceptualisation of good or bad copies, this paper focuses on the question of genre and what it can bring to a discussion of cross-cultural value in cinema. In particular, the paper explores what the recurring turn to Westerns in Asia reveals about the search for new frontiers of value and aesthetics in global cinema. From the serious to the self-conscious to the downright “bad” (and bad-ass) Western, Sukiyaki Western Djangois a notable recent example of how the “Asian Western” both localises and globalises a peculiarly American genre, and at once de-values and re-values the “original”. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This special issue of Asian Studies Review explores comparatively the production and transformation of gender and sexual subjectivities across and beyond South and Southeast Asia. More specifically, papers in this special issue disclose the complex intersections of ethnicity, race, class, gender, religion and nationality through which sexual subjectivities are formed and subject positions inhabited within and across these regions. By tracing the transnational movement of people and the circulation of images and ideas, their appropriations and effects, the papers in this volume reveal mutable and multiple sexual subjectivities that are no longer fixed in place, even as state discourses, hegemonic meanings and individual actors work to attach specific meanings to particular bodies. In this special issue we ask, what are the effects of migration, forced and chosen, on forms and formulations of gender and sexuality for people's embodied and discursive entanglements? How do spatial and temporal, as well as religious, economic and political changes alter and foreclose some kinds of intimacies and subjectivities even as they open and enable others? What are the social and cultural processes through which heteronormativity is articulated, enforced, transgressed and challenged? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It has been argued that the preoccupation of individual nations with economic growth and development has contributed to environmental degradation. Economic nationalism is viewed as a hindrance to international strategies that can be used to slow the rate of environmental degradation. This paper argues that, in the case of Singapore, the means to mitigate environmental concerns are largely driven by material interests. Emissions control measures have been introduced provided they have been deemed economically feasible. But this has not prevented the city state from being a socially responsible member of the global community. This paper argues that, in today's context, policies that appear to be “nationalist” may not be totally inconsistent with policies that could help to improve the standard of living of all members of the international community. Selective engagement in regional and global initiatives realistically portrays the policy choices of many nation states. This paper contends that environment-related initiatives have to be seen in terms of reconciling the dual objectives of maximising the national interest and mitigating the global problem of environmental degradation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Discusses the crucial question of the formation of subjects and subjectivities under postsocialism and the inevitable and central role that gender plays in that formation. Discussion on the relationship between the doi moi Vietnamese state and the construction of different kinds of womanhood in contemporary Vietnamese culture; Relationship between consumer culture and the formation of gendered subjectivities under postsocialism; Information on the novel "Summer of Betrayal," by Hong Ying.

This paper presents data from a larger ethnographic research project on intimacy and reproduction in Japan, a country that faces a “crisis of ultra-low fertility rates” (Jones, Straughan, & Chan, 2009). Proceeding from a symbolic interactionist perspective, the paper analyses the outcomes of interviews with 56 Japanese mothers aged between 29 and 45 from Tokyo and Kanagawa. The analysis identified “maternal instincts” (honn?), children’s schooling, and marriage as three major axes along which an understanding of how social class concerns influence the childbirth experiences and decision-making processes of these mothers could be gained. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]