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Singapore's electoral autocracy is well known for its innovative use of political institutions such as Parliament and elections to enhance its durability, but relatively little attention has been paid to decentralised subnational institutions such as Town Councils, which require elected Members of Parliament to manage public housing estates in their constituencies. This paper focuses on Town Councils by examining the motives behind their formation and exploring how they serve as institutions to support authoritarianism. Based on analysis of a range of primary and secondary sources such as parliamentary Hansard, government documents and newspaper articles, this paper argues that the formation of Town Councils was politically motivated and specifically designed to thwart opposition growth. It also argues that Town Councils support authoritarianism in three ways. First, they create extra hurdles and disadvantages for the opposition. Second, they give the ruling party an additional election issue on which to attack the weaknesses of the opposition and allow it to shift the focus of elections in its favour. Lastly, they facilitate more effective and targeted material distribution and create more opportunities for elite co-optation. The implications of the study for Singapore politics and the role of decentralisation in electoral autocracies are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2007, Singaporean graduates of Egypt’s Al-Azhar University have offered a new type of religious class that incorporates self-help rhetoric with the Quran and Hadith (prophetic traditions). Like their counterparts in Indonesia, Malaysia, Yemen and Egypt, the returnees market their costly lessons as opportunities for young ethnic and religious minority Muslim graduates of Singapore’s secular universities to apply new understandings of their faith to everyday spheres. These new preachers utilise social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram to proselytise and market their lessons. Although their seminars attract male participants, the vast majority of students are professional women seeking to fashion ideal Muslim selves while pursuing their careers. In this paper, I interrogate the following questions: How do women preachers and students perform their authority in interpreting Islam? How do male preachers, in turn, conceptualise and negotiate women’s religious authority? Although professedly apolitical, how does the women’s embrace of globally commodified Islam, social media and eclectic pedagogical incentives reframe conventional notions of Islamic “piety” and “education” and affect dominant male religious authority and interpretation? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Most modern states have policies for the management of religion. For those with diverse religious communities, how to ensure the peaceful coexistence of the various religions becomes an important challenge for governments. Hence, modern secular states often delineate a proper “domain” for religion in society in order to properly regulate it. In response, religious groups, many transnational in nature, can adopt various strategies to respond to state regulation, ranging from resistance, to accommodation, to acceptance. This paper examines how, in its negotiations with state-imposed restrictions, the Yiguan Dao – a transnational Chinese syncretic sect that has experienced phenomenal growth in Asia and beyond – has chosen not to identify itself publicly as a “religion”, but rather adopts a more “secular” identity in its official dealings with the public and the state by emphasising its “cultural” and “scientific” aspects. Further, the sect utilises the practice of religious territoriality to transform officially secular residential properties into the sacred sites of temples in order to circumvent state restrictions on religious buildings. This paper demonstrates how a religious movement can undergo organisational change and adopt innovative territorial practices, and manage to flourish in the face of state regulations as well as the negative views of other, more “orthodox”, religions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It has been argued that the preoccupation of individual nations with economic growth and development has contributed to environmental degradation. Economic nationalism is viewed as a hindrance to international strategies that can be used to slow the rate of environmental degradation. This paper argues that, in the case of Singapore, the means to mitigate environmental concerns are largely driven by material interests. Emissions control measures have been introduced provided they have been deemed economically feasible. But this has not prevented the city state from being a socially responsible member of the global community. This paper argues that, in today's context, policies that appear to be “nationalist” may not be totally inconsistent with policies that could help to improve the standard of living of all members of the international community. Selective engagement in regional and global initiatives realistically portrays the policy choices of many nation states. This paper contends that environment-related initiatives have to be seen in terms of reconciling the dual objectives of maximising the national interest and mitigating the global problem of environmental degradation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper takes an historical perspective on the trajectory of Singapore's arts and cultural landscape from 1965 to 2000. It examines the arts and cultural field as an ideological site within which the People's Action Party government constantly sought to reinvent or vision a new society. From harnessing the arts for the task of creating “civilised” and “cultured” citizens immediately after independence, as well as to play out multicultural fantasies, to the government's 'Global City for the Arts' project in the 1990s for economic imperatives, arts and culture has not only been ideologically instrumental for nation-building purposes but also malleable to the ruling elite's changing visions of Singapore society. The PAP government's deployment of art to establish orthodoxy is a recurring feature in the paper, including its cooption of “renaissance” themes as early as 1980, thus purging ideals of romanticism from public discourse. The paper concludes that Singapore's cultural policy, although driven by economic impulses, will continue to be an important ideological instrument for nation-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship has pointed out the ways in which religions are increasingly commodified, primarily through two mechanisms: the monetisation of religious objects and practices, and the materialisation and extension of religious-symbolic power through new technologies and practices. These two mechanisms of monetisation and materialisation provide very concrete ways of understanding religious commodification, but they do not provide a complete picture of how religious capital is created and sustained in the holistic context of society, city and nation considered in relation to international capital flows. “Christian Capital” includes not only the commodity, consumerist and media empires particularly associated with global-reach “megachurches”, but also the less-tangible situational, relational, human-social and influential wealth created between religious agencies and their urban-national contexts. Using the case of Christian agencies in Singapore and their strategic creation of transnational influences, this paper offers a conception of Christian capital that incorporates not only the materialisation of religious influence in terms of finances and commodities, but also its expression in less tangible but significant ways in terms of the creation of an international “brand” of Singapore Christianity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]