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The article discusses the diplomatic relations between Taipei, Taiwan and Australia from 1966-1972. In 1966, the decision of Australian Prime Minister Harold Holt to open a diplomatic mission in the capital has been viewed as one of the more unique episodes in the history of Australian diplomacy in Asia during the Cold War. Though formal, it is noted in the article that the diplomatic relations with the Nationalist Chinese government on Taiwan has not been a priority by the Australian government. Australia has maintained a nominal alliance with the nationalists in China, but does little to develop or strengthen their relationship.

Presents an analysis of the 1993 Australian Election Study indicating that the increase in perceptions of threat from Indonesia is primarily held by older Australians, those who hold protectionist trade views and those who are concerned about East Timor. Themes in Australia-Indonesia relations; Themes examined in the Australian Election Study.

Treaties allowing investors to initiate arbitration claims directly against host states for illegally interfering with cross-border investments are becoming increasingly common in Asia, but Australia announced in 2011 that it will no longer include such protections in future treaties. The backdrop to this decision includes keen interest from Asia in foreign direct investment (FDI) into Australia’s resources sector, meaning that potential investors may not be significantly deterred by a lack of arbitration provisions in future treaties. This article argues, however, that Australia’s policy shift risks undermining the entire investor-state arbitration (ISA) system, with the earliest impact being felt by major pending treaty negotiations by Australia with Japan, China and Korea (respectively); and that the shift may significantly reduce FDI flows or have other adverse effects. The article criticises the cost-benefit analysis of ISA protections in one pivotal study conducted in 2010 by an Australian Government think-tank, arguing that this assessment is insufficiently nuanced. Instead, the article presents a justification for more tailored and moderate changes to ISA provisions in future treaties. Its tentative interest-group analysis suggests, however, that there may be surprisingly few public or private constituencies that would prefer such moderate reforms, and that most may well prefer the more extreme position recently adopted by Australia, despite the damage that will be done to the ISA system as a whole. The article also argues that Australia’s policy shift and think-tank analysis may make Asian countries more cautious about ISA, especially those (like the Philippines and Vietnam) which have traditionally been more cautious about this dispute resolution system. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the Rudd Report's policy prescription for a national strategy for Asia literacy in the Australian education system. It states that the report can be seen as a political and a practical solution to the longstanding inertia in the Australian government and education systems on Asian languages and studies. Moreover, the Report's policy process offers insights for other nations in terms of how an experiment in linking the study of Asian languages and cultures to the knowledge economy developed in one nation in response to regional and global forces. In addition, the Hawke-Keating period on the restructuring of the Australian economy, the geopolitical fluidity, the economic stability and the regionalism have been discussed.

Examines relations between Australia and China concerning science and technology. Analysis of the compatibility of the objectives and interests of the two countries; Difference in perceptions of cooperation; Difference between the perceptions of scientists and government officials and institutions; Realization of the stated aims and objectives of the exchange agreement.