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This paper explains the difference between Korea's vocal movements and feeble parties versus Taiwan's stable parties and dependent movements from the political dynamics formed under the authoritarian state. Taiwan's party-based authoritarianism provided ground for party development but not for independent social movements. Korea's personal dictatorship was inimical to party development but engendered a contentious movement sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses East Asian democracies and a reported increase in income inequality in South Korea and Taiwan as of September 2012, focusing on an analysis of the cross-national differences between the inequality issue in both countries since the 1990s. The impact of income distribution on a country's economic development is addressed, along with an analysis of reported increase in wage inequality in most of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries. Labor power and market inequality are also mentioned.

Many scholars argue that democracy tames religious fundamentalism. This inclusion-moderation theory holds that when radical religious movements are incorporated in the democratic system, they have incentives to adhere to institutional frameworks to influence politics and access power. But despite these claims, we have witnessed a growing influence of religious fundamentalism in Asian democratic politics, with immoderation becoming prominent. Why have religious fundamentalist movements become influential in various democracies in Asia? How have they shaped policies? Using a most-different-systems approach, I investigate religious fundamentalism in two dissimilar democracies: Islamic fundamentalism in Indonesia and Christian fundamentalism in South Korea. In both cases, I argue that religious fundamentalist movements facilitate immoderate politics through strong mobilization capacity, agenda-setting power, and framing. The study contributes to the inclusion-moderation literature through its discussion of religious fundamentalism and its cross-religious comparison. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study takes a cultural approach to examine the unstable and contentious nature of Korean democracy. Analyzing an original nationwide survey conducted in 2015, we find that the democratic and participatory culture of the Korean people underlies Korean democracy. This finding suggests substantial tension between the participatory orientation of the public and Korean representative democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the effects of Korean civil society on politics since democratization. It discusses several topics including socioeconomic backgrounds, democratization and democratic consolidation and nature of state-society relations in Korea. It mentions the working of weak mediating institutions which prevents the systematic inclusion of societal actors in the policymaking process, pitting an increasingly strengthened civil society against the state. It also talks about the challenges faced by the democratic governance of Korean society.

This article examines whether Confucian Asian values are incompatible with liberal democracy. Analyses of the East Asia Barometer Survey conducted in South Korea reveal that attachment to those values makes it more difficult to reject authoritarian rule than to embrace democracy. These findings suggest that Asian values detract from cultural democratization primarily by keeping the mass public oriented toward the virtues of authoritarian politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The government-chaebol nexus formed under Democratic Party governments reflects new state-market relations in Korea that are predicated on a democratic model emphasizing participation and equity. The participatory democratic logic of corporate reform assumes that civic organizations, functioning as a third sector, should act as watchdogs and whistle-blowers to correct any unequal market structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]