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In Afghanistan, relationship-based networks permeate formal governance institutions, the economy, and everyday life, regulating how resources are distributed. This paper argues that since 2001, modes of external intervention in Afghanistan have failed to understand these "rules of the game." This paper sets out a new understanding of the power relations that govern engagement in politics and the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the 17th ASEAN Regional Forum in 2010, Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Yang Jiechi reminded everyone that "China is a big country and all the other countries are small countries; this is a fact." Though Brunei is the smallest of all the ASEAN states in both population and GDP, the level of Chinese investment in the sultanate (cumulated direct investment and construction contracts divided by 2018 GDP) is much higher than in most other ASEAN states. This paper analyzes the Belt and Road stakes for both Brunei and China and Brunei's response to the Chinese proposals, showing that in spite of its smallness, the sultanate still seems able to preserve its own interests to a certain extent, thanks to its balanced foreign policy and its financial resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asia's middle powers face a trilateral dilemma stemming from their relationships with the U.S. and China. This paper uses the Australian example to examine the dilemma. It shows that Australia has bound itself to the U.S. because of domestic political factors, cost considerations, a belief that it can keep its interests separate, and its perception of regional threats. The paper then argues that others are likely to resolve their trilateral dilemmas in ways that make the regional strategic dynamic more competitive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the processes behind the evolution of preventive diplomacy in the ASEAN Regional Forum. The Forum's potential to establish meaningful preventive diplomacy mechanisms is likely to remain highly limited unless it departs from the rules of the "ASEAN Way" of institution building. This departure would only be a prerequisite, not a solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Combining international relations and critical geopolitics literature with a public opinion survey in Thailand that delves into some rarely explored and sensitive questions to understand respondents' political views and attitudes, we examine the extent to which domestic political developments can be understood through a US–China great power lens. Are politically progressive Thais more likely to be pro-US, and more politically conservative Thais likely to favor China? While we find some relationship between liberal domestic political leanings and sympathy for the United States, we also show that conservative domestic political leanings do not automatically translate into support for China. To view election outcomes in a country such as Thailand as "wins" for one or other great power would be highly misleading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the September 2016 attack in Uri, Indo-Pak relations have steadily gotten worse. India cites Pakistan-sponsored terrorism in Kashmir as the major reason for this deterioration, with the 14 February 2019 bombing at Pulwama as the most recent dramatic example; Pakistan blames Indian atrocities in Kashmir. But after every attempt to initiate dialogue, there is a return to hostility. This paper analyzes this cyclical pattern of dialogue, estrangement, and hostility in Indo-Pak relations. Further, it seeks to explain the structural, ideational, and strategic aspects of the problem and to outline a course correction in Indian foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines China's strategic interests in Australia. From the security perspective, Beijing hopes that Australia will be a constructive factor for its peaceful rise. On the economic side, Beijing hopes that the bilateral relationship will ensure sufficient and sustainable resources and energy supplies from Australia for China's domestic needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the dynamics of competition inherent in the "aid marketplace" in Afghanistan and proposes a holistic theoretical framework for understanding the actions of aid actors based on a taxonomy of mercenary (rational), missionary (altruistic), and misfit (bureaucratic) pressures, which both aggravate and lessen competition between actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The military standoff between Chinese and Indian troops in the disputed territory of Doklam brought forward the foreign policy dilemmas of Bhutan and its search for an optimal strategy toward its two neighboring big powers. This paper discusses Bhutan's attempts to balance its overwhelming dependence on India with the necessity of normal diplomatic relations with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central issue in Taiwan's politics revolves around the island's relationship with China. The three major parties—the Kuomintang, Democratic Progressive Party, and Taiwan People's Party—take different positions on this, and their supporters align with these respective positions. However, there is a scarcity of research on the foreign policy inclinations of individuals who do not align with any political party. We find empirically that self-reported independents in Taiwan exhibit a preference for bandwagoning, driven by concerns for tangible material benefits; cultural similarity, economic interests, and the power dynamics between the US and China also play substantial roles here. These findings shed light on the unique role and dynamics of independents in Taiwan's political landscape. Our theoretical innovation lies in showing that in a democracy, different factors come into play in the formation of the foreign policy preferences of different groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the claims that Japanese foreign policy increasingly shifts toward realist and pragmatic modes of engagement, this paper argues that Japanese foreign policy is largely trapped between idealist and pragmatic criteria in its Central Asian (CA) policy. Japan's policy in CA is thus a hybrid of policies that are not properly understood in CA, nor can they be explained to the public at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 2010s, Japan has said publicly that it will provide foreign assistance to protect its national interest. A systematic text analysis reveals, however, that Japan had announced this objective as far back as 1969. From the 1970s through the 1990s, the connection of aid to the national interest was indirect and long-term, with the belief that global stability would lead to prosperity. In the 2000s, the suspension of aid to China and the reconstruction of Iraq became major topics of discussion. In recent years, securing the national interest through aid has diverged from the mercantilist approach of the past, which revitalized the Japanese economy. The presence of China as a competitor for infrastructure aid in Asia is the primary reason Japan has emphasized the national interest in its aid policy. The data demonstrate that Japan's actual aid allocation behavior has been significantly influenced by its emphasis on the national interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jockeying ahead of the 2024 national elections took center stage in Indonesia's political landscape in 2023. The selection of President Jokowi's son for a vice-presidential ticket signaled the continuation and intensification of dynastic politics. The economy faced headwinds, but Indonesia's trade balance remained in surplus and inflation was tamed. The government promoted its green transition agenda while facing pushback from local communities on environmental and labor issues. In foreign policy, the country hosted the ASEAN Summit, and Jokowi engaged in a flurry of diplomatic travels in the twilight of his presidency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, South Korea faced turbulence under the Yoon Suk-Yeol administration, which was marked by democratic challenges, foreign policy shifts, and high political tensions. This report examines South Korea's transformative year, with a focus on ongoing leadership transitions, emerging diplomatic horizons for freedom and human rights, economic challenges stemming from "Peak Korea," and key social issues, including a high suicide rate, low birth rate, and the controversy over the dog meat ban. It also discusses President Yoon's challenges as the leader of a global pivot state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines Taiwan's policy toward the territorial dispute in the East China Sea and explains why it has yielded some dividends. The paper suggests that Taipei's diplomatic initiative--the East China Sea Peace Initiative--is the most sensible proposal advanced to reduce the potential for conflict in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical overview of Australian, Chinese, and American perspectives on trilateralism, with a detailed discussion of Australian debates on the matter. Its aim is to trace the evolution of the changing discourse on the rise of China, examine major debates in Australia, and provide both an intellectual background and an overview for this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the reasons behind Henoko's decision to accept a controversial U.S. military base. It highlights the impact of a path dependency created amid early postwar socioeconomic conditions of deprivation and political compulsion, resulting in the Okinawan village's structural incorporation into the U.S. base economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization's influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the origin and historical development of independent candi-dates in People's Congress elections of mainland China. It discusses the motives and strategies of independent candidates, and how the Party-state copes with the growing independent candidate movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's "Asian pivot" remains focused on China, despite energetic Russian diplomacy in 2018 vis-a'-vis Japan and India. The benefits of the enlargement of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation to include Pakistan and India remained unclear, and the overlapping memberships of regional organizations highlighted the challenges for security and economic cooperation in Central Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper the authors discuss China's strategic interest in expanding its relations with Cambodia. The authors note that China believes Cambodia is important for China to project greater influence in the Southeast Asia region and to act as a buffer between China's rivals. The article also notes that a relationship with Cambodia could also weaken the United States' hegemony. Such diplomacy on China's part and its increasing regional power could cause some concern for other traditional hegemonic countries.

This paper investigates why the lraq issue did not become decisive enough to topple Japan's LDP-Komeitō coalition government in the November 2003 lower house election, even though the majority of the public opposed the lraq war and the dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces to Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes factors compelling ASEAN to relax its non-interference policy regarding members and intervene in Burma's internal affairs. The paper argues that the factors include pressure from individual members, ASEAN as a group, and the international community. The situation in Burma has led ASEAN to review this policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bilateral relations between India and Iran have been on an upswing since the early 1990s, and the recent visit by the Iranian president to India has infused them with new momentum. This paper examines the strategic rationale behind Indo-lranian engagement and the constraints that still hamper this bilateral relationship from realizing its full potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 generated significant anti-Chinese sentiment in South Korea. Domestic elite-level narratives regarding China at the pandemic's onset were highly polarized: conservative parties advocated border shutdowns, emphasizing China as originating the virus, while progressive parties warned that this would incite xenophobia. Did these narratives shape anti-Chinese sentiment, and what are their foreign policy effects? Using social media data, I show that despite the polarized narratives at the elite level, attitudes of both conservative and progressive voters became unfavorable toward China following COVID-19's onset. Furthermore, statistical analyses of survey data show that this blame is strongly associated with negative perceptions of China. Although substantively not directly linked to foreign policy, blame of China is strongly associated with rejection of foreign policy alignment with China and a shift toward supporting alignment with the US. These results have implications for understanding public support of South Korea's foreign policy amid US--China bifurcation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agriculture has been seen as the engine of growth for Afghanistan, but it has failed to deliver. Evidence from a long-term livelihood study points to a rural economy that is driven more by social relations than by market relations. These are underpinned by major land inequality and a distributional economy concerned with survival, given the absence of rural employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on the impact of Chinese engagement in Uzbekistan, this article promotes an understanding of the motivations of Central Asian states such as Uzbekistan in strategically engaging China. Although China's Belt and Road Initiative has received wide coverage, few details of other Chinese projects and their impacts have been analyzed. The article aims to fill in this gap by outlining the latest project details of Chinese engagement and their impact in this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite Japan's increasing emphasis on democracy support, the amount of foreign aid allocated to Indonesia for this purpose remains small. Furthermore, democracy support is mostly provided to state institutions, and little is provided to civil society. This article analyzes the causes of this phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's decision to invade Ukraine in February 2022 posed challenges for the People's Republic of China and its priorities. This article assesses the Chinese party-state's response across four dimensions: informational, diplomatic, economic, and military-strategic. Beijing has been most supportive of Moscow in the informational and diplomatic arenas; its economic posture has been mostly self-interested, and military support for Russia has remained more or less constant. China's stance on the conflict in Ukraine appears to be shaped by several factors: a perceived need to counter the United States; the desire to support Russia while minimizing the costs of doing so to Chinese interests; China's desire for internal political stability and particular features of its domestic political system that affect foreign policy decision-making; and Beijing's evolving assessments of what the Ukraine conflict might foretell for Taiwan. The article summarizes China's interests at the time the conflict began, outlines the party-state's response, and assesses potential explanations for that response, with specific attention to implications for Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As China rises, its influence on other states' policy choices will depend partly on the extent of its ''structural power.'' This article examines China's role in Asian monetary affairs and argues that deficient structural power has contributed to a significant gap between China's waxing economic resources and its policy influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ongoing reassessments in U.S. strategy in the Asia-Pacific have coincided with a major growth in Sino-Australian economic relations. The Australian-American alliance could be increasingly tested if U.S. policy planners are unsuccessful in generating more sensitive and proactive alliance security postures to ensure Australian support for key U.S. interests in the Asia-Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses Japan's renewed interest in regionalism as a way of soft balancing diplomacy that counters increasing Chinese influence. The article notes that an alliance with the United States that is considered a hard balancing diplomatic strategy is considered insufficient because of Japan's reliance on the Chinese economy for the success of its own economy and prosperity. Japan has made some overtures to other Asian countries to establish a regional economy, but has taken no significant steps to implement such a policy.

In this article the author discusses the military strength of Japan. The central focus of the article is the author's contention that Japan's armed forces and military power have been enhanced because they are faced with a growing military threat from North Korea. Also at issue is the perception that North Korea is attempting to undermine the stable relations that exists between Japan and the United States. In addition the author suggests that a North Korean threat has been used as a premise in some quarters in Japan to justify a significant military build up.

The Taiwan policy of China's third leadership generation focuses primarily on the hope that the Taiwan issue will not delay or undermine the progress of China's economic development. China's Taiwan policy is founded on two basic pillars: "utilizing the U.S. to suppress Taiwan" and "appealing to the Taiwanese public." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bangladesh celebrated its 50th year in 2021, marking significant improvement in the lives of its citizens. However, the celebrations were muted by not just the ongoing pandemic but also increasing authoritarianism. The economy was hit hard by the pandemic, but a recovery appears to be underway. A resolution to the Rohingya refugee crisis remains elusive, and in the long run the country remains acutely vulnerable to climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Japan in 2021, COVID-19-related disruption was again the dominant storyline. Its impact transcended societal consequences to affect Japan’s economy, politics, and foreign affairs. It frustrated Japan’s economic recovery and, for the second time in as many years, contributed to a prime minister’s premature resignation. Yet the year also witnessed major positive developments, including the '2020” Tokyo Olympics/Paralympics; an (eventually) successful vaccine rollout; public health outcomes vastly better than those of any other G7 member; an expected return to economic growth; and a smooth national election. On October 31, new prime minister Kishida Fumio led the ruling LDP–Komeito coalition into Japan's first general election since 2017. Despite losing a few seats, it retained a comfortable lower-house majority, ensuring that a subplot for Japan in 2021 was-again-relative continuity in national politics and foreign affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the unusual case of the May 2002 Shenyang Incident. Acting out of character, Tokyo confronted China, motivated by cumulative resentment of recent Chinese actions. Beijing, for its part, reacted with restraint, owing to growing confidence in its place in the world and the continuous moderation of Japanese policy since 1998. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did Japanese Prime Minister Abe impose controversial export restrictions after rulings by the South Korean Supreme Court on wartime forced laborers? This article answers this question through the lens of domestic symbolism in economic sanctions studies. We argue that domestic political calculations led the Japanese government to adopt hawkish measures against South Korea. Abe wanted to ensure continued support from his constituents and to win the upcoming election. A series of political reforms since the early 1990s have empowered the prime minister and made LDP politicians pay more attention to public opinion than to factional topography. Strong anti-Korean sentiment among the Japanese public reduced the leadership's concerns about the audience costs of economic countermeasures. Through an examination of the interplay among various domestic actors over the policy measure, this study provides insights on how domestic symbolism can serve as an origin of foreign policy decision-making in democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan's leaders began 2020 with grand ambitions to make it a historic year. Tokyo was set to welcome the world for the Summer Olympics, Japan's first since 1964, and Abe Shinzo?, the powerful prime minister, planned to realize his party's 65-year-old dream: revising Japan's never-amended, US-drafted 1947 constitution. By spring, however, it was clear that COVID-19 had other plans. Despite public health outcomes better than in any other G7 member, daily life was severely disrupted, and the domestic political and economic fallout for Japan was significant. By late summer, circumstances were improving, but both Abe's popularity and his personal health had suffered. He resigned in September, ending the longest prime-ministership in Japanese history. Though COVID-19 and the end of the Abe Era were the major storylines of Japan in 2020, a subplot was, paradoxically, remarkable continuity in national politics and foreign affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I coded 166 pieces published in the Kantipur and Nagarik daily newspapers from 2008 to 2016 to analyze Nepalese media perception of the growing claims of India-China competition in Nepal. India is perceived as primarily responsible for the political instability in Nepal, and India-China competition is perceived as a secondary, much smaller factor. China itself is not perceived as contributing to political instability in Nepal; it is perceived as indifferent to Nepalese politics. Indian over-engagement, suggestions, and even pressures in Nepal are perceived as interventions in Nepalese politics, while China has successfully cultivated an image of cooperation and of indifference to internal Nepalese affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the main focuses of the Abe administration's foreign policy is overseas infrastructure development assistance. Evidence suggests that Japan has returned to its traditional approach to foreign aid, the "Japan model," after an interval of a few decades. This article analyzes the international and domestic contexts behind the recent changes in Japan's aid policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Timor-Leste entered 2018 with a political crisis that kept a minority government without the confidence of parliament. President L'u-Olo tried to resolve the situation by calling early elections, but the incumbency effect did not materialize, and the opposition won the polls. Timor-Leste celebrated an important treaty with Australia on their maritime borders in the Timor Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New and old domestic issues challenged the Abe government, while "Trump shocks" rattled Japan's foreign relations. Domestically, Abenomics produced mixed results, the depopulation bomb continued ticking, and Abe's reelection presaged a possible attempt at constitutional amendment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State disruption confronted Afghanistan's rulers and their international supporters with a challenging legacy after 2001. The emergence of a neopatrimonial political order, with formal bureaucratic and administrative structures entwined with informal networks and patronage, has significantly affected attempts at aid delivery. Such dangers need to be recognized and addressed at the outset in internationally supported transitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines post-2001 state-building in Afghanistan. In so doing, it explores how interactions among aid, politics, and state capacity shaped the characteristics of the state by looking at the existing conditions, sources of state income, the development planning process, aid coordination and alignment, and interventions in building state capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Singapore is expert at using education as a means of projecting soft power internationally. For years, it has offered free and subsidized education opportunities in Southeast Asia, and now, with its interests in the Arctic, it is offering education opportunities to indigenous peoples as a way to involve itself in regional governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 9/11, the relationship between China and Afghanistan has experienced four stages,which reflect China's changing roles in this area. China is likely to play a greater role as it seeks to press ahead, despite obstacles, with its new Silk Road projects. In the future,Chinawill likely be involved in Afghanistan in greater depth and on a larger scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the annexation of Crimea in 2014, Russia's "eastward pivot" has intensified, mainly observable as strengthened relations with China, which appear to be evolving into a quasi-alliance. This places in question Russian attempts at diversification in the Asia-Pacific, and its position in Central Asia, where China's Belt and Road Initiative challenges Russian influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japanese domestic politics, foreign policy, economics and society continued along well-established paths in the year 2016. And long-term demographic trends remained a major unresolved challenge. Yet three exceptions to continuity stood out: first, controversial legislation that expanded the legality of collective selfdefense; second, the likely collapse of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); and third, the election of Donald Trump. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]