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This research note discusses the 2009 Defence White Paper, particularly its focus on the potential threat the Chinese military might pose to the security of the Asia-Pacific in the foreseeable future. It also examines Chinese responses to the White Paper's main theses. It concludes that the White Paper marked a departure from the Howard government's policy of de-emphasising differences in Canberra's dialogue with Beijing and, by re-affirming commitment to the alliance with the United States (US), delineated the limits of Australia's partnership with China. However, its poorly substantiated predictions regarding the rise of China's power, the US economic and military decline and Beijing's geostrategic objectives raise doubts about the Rudd government's capacity to formulate a coherent vision for the future of Australia's relations with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of recent events—especially attempts to negotiate a bilateral trade agreement and Australia's participation in the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq—have thrown Australia's relationship with the United States into sharp relief. While this relationship has historically enjoyed strong bilateral endorsement, such uncritical support is beginning to unravel. At the very least, the relationship is being subjected to a renewed, more critical scrutiny. This paper argues that a dispassionate analysis of the relationship is appropriate and overdue. Not only are the benefits that accrue to 'Australia' from the relationship debateable, even when judged within the limited calculus of the 'national interest', but Australia's uncritical support for US foreign policy is also helping to entrench potentially damaging aspects of American foreign policy and— somewhat ironically—undermining the legitimacy of its pre-eminent 'hegemonic' position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australian National Pollutant Inventory (NPI) is designed to generate political and economic incentives for industry to move towards cleaner production. It enables community groups to put pressure on polluters and provides an opportunity for firms to identify inefficiencies. The inventory is built upon several liberal-democratic premises regarding the power of knowledge, the right to know, the effectiveness of pressure groups, and the ability of government to correct market failures. An older and more extensive U.S. Toxics Release Inventory (TRI) has had significant problems with industry resistance, the restriction of substances covered, and the accuracy of data. There is also the question of the ability of citizens to access and utilise the information provided. This paper analyses the NPI using the TRI as a benchmark for comparison. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]