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Background: Women's childbirth experiences in health facilities is at the core of quality of care. Their perceptions of poor-quality care, including disrespectful care at health facilities during childbirth, is recognized as a significant barrier to seeking care for subsequent births. Research that explores women's perspectives of the dimensions of disrespect and mistreatment during childbirth in Arab countries is scarce, and there is none pertaining to refugee groups who carry the burden of multiple vulnerabilities and who suffer from discontinued care, especially in fragile health systems. This paper aims at presenting Palestinian, Iraqi and Syrian refugee women's experiences, understanding and interpretation of disrespect and mistreatment during childbirth in hospitals in Lebanon.Methods: This study employed phenomenology, a qualitative research design to generate data through in-depth interviews. Women who were 3 to 6 months postpartum were recruited through the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that are actively engaged in providing welfare and healthcare services to different populations of refugee women in Lebanon. In total, 24 women were interviewed. All interviews were audio recorded, transcribed verbatim and subjected to thematic analysis.Results: Of the 24 women who participated in this study, 9 were Palestinian, 12 were Syrian and 3 were Iraqi. The participants spoke of restricted choices to hospitals, care providers and to types of birth, while revealing adverse experiences during childbirth in healthcare facilities, including verbal and physical abuse, disrespectful verbal and non-verbal communication by healthcare providers. They also reported sub-standard care, denial of birth companions and breaches to their privacy. Our findings exemplify how the coverage of the cost of facility-based births by UN agencies and NGOs increase refugee women's vulnerability to disrespect and mistreatment during childbirth.Conclusion: This study shows how disrespect and mistreatment are intertwined in a complex system which is devised to ensure access to facility-based birth for displaced populations. Implications for programs and policies point to the need for strengthening capacity and for providing resources for the adaptation of global guidelines into context-specific strategies for the provision of quality maternity care during humanitarian crises and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Pregnancy and childbirth are socio-cultural events that carry varying meanings across different societies and cultures. These are often translated into social expectations of what a particular society expects women to do (or not to do) during pregnancy, birth and/or the postnatal period. This paper reports a study exploring beliefs around childbirth in Nepal, a low-income country with a largely Hindu population. The paper then sets these findings in the context of the wider global literature around issues such as periods where women are viewed as polluted (or dirty even) after childbirth.Methods: A qualitative study comprising five in-depth face-to-face interviews and 14 focus group discussions with mainly women, but also men and health service providers. The qualitative findings in Nepal were compared and contrasted with the literature on practices and cultural beliefs related to the pregnancy and childbirth period across the globe and at different times in history.Results: The themes that emerged from the analysis included: (a) cord cutting & placenta rituals; (b) rest & seclusion; (c) purification, naming & weaning ceremonies and (d) nutrition and breastfeeding. Physiological changes in mother and baby may underpin the various beliefs, ritual and practices in the postnatal period. These practices often mean women do not access postnatal health services.Conclusions: The cultural practices, taboos and beliefs during pregnancy and around childbirth found in Nepal largely resonate with those reported across the globe. This paper stresses that local people's beliefs and practices offer both opportunities and barriers to health service providers. Maternity care providers need to be aware of local values, beliefs and traditions to anticipate and meet the needs of women, gain their trust and work with them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Maternity waiting homes (MWHs) are accommodations located near a health facility where women can stay towards the end of pregnancy and/or after birth to enable timely access to essential childbirth care or care for complications. Although MWHs have been implemented for over four decades, different operational models exist. This secondary thematic +analysis explores factors related to their implementation.Methods: A qualitative thematic analysis was conducted using 29 studies across 17 countries. The papers were identified through an existing Cochrane review and a mapping of the maternal health literature. The Supporting the Use of Research Evidence framework (SURE) guided the thematic analysis to explore the perceptions of various stakeholders and barriers and facilitators for implementation. The influence of contextual factors, the design of the MWHs, and the conditions under which they operated were examined.Results: Key problems of MWH implementation included challenges in MWH maintenance and utilization by pregnant women. Poor utilization was due to lack of knowledge and acceptance of the MWH among women and communities, long distances to reach the MWH, and culturally inappropriate care. Poor MWH structures were identified by almost all studies as a major barrier, and included poor toilets and kitchens, and a lack of space for family and companions. Facilitators included reduced or removal of costs associated with using a MWH, community involvement in the design and upkeep of the MWHs, activities to raise awareness and acceptance among family and community members, and integrating culturally-appropriate practices into the provision of maternal and newborn care at the MWHs and the health facilities to which they are linked.Conclusion: MWHs should not be designed as an isolated intervention but using a health systems perspective, taking account of women and community perspectives, the quality of the MWH structure and the care provided at the health facility. Careful tailoring of the MWH to women's accommodation, social and dietary needs; low direct and indirect costs; and a functioning health system are key considerations when implementing MWH. Improved and harmonized documentation of implementation experiences would provide a better understanding of the factors that impact on successful implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: A community health programme in Narok County in Kenya aimed to improve skilled birth assistance during childbirth through two demand side interventions. First, traditional birth attendants (TBAs) were co-opted into using their influence to promote use of skilled birth attendants (SBAs) at health facilities during delivery, and to accompany pregnant women to health facilities in return for a Ksh500 (Approximately USD5 as of August 2016) cash incentive for each pregnant mother they accompanied. Secondly, a free Motherpack consisting of a range of baby care items was given to each mother after delivering at a health facility. This paper estimates the impact of these two interventions on trends of facility deliveries over a 36-month period here.Methods: Dependency or inferred causality was estimated between reorientation of TBAs and provision of Motherpacks with changes in facility delivery numbers. The outcome variable consists of monthly facility delivery data from 28 health facilities starting from January 2013 to December 2015 obtained from the District Health Information Systems 2 (DHIS2). Data were collected on the 13th, 14th or 15th of each month, resulting in a total of 35 collections, over 35 months. The intervention data consisted of the starting month for each of the two interventions at each of the 28 facilities. A negative binomial generalized linear model framework is applied to model the relationship as all variables were measured as count data and were overdispersed. All analyses were conducted using R software.Findings: During the 35 months considered, a total of 9095 health facility deliveries took place, a total of 408 TBAs were reached, and 2181 Motherpacks were distributed. The reorientation of TBAs was significant (p = 0.009), as was the provision of Motherpacks (p = .0001). The number of months that passed since the start of the intervention was also found to be significant (p = 0.033). The introduction of Motherpacks had the greatest effect on the outcome (0.2), followed by TBA intervention (0.15). Months since study start had a much lower effect (0.05).Conclusion: Collaborating with TBAs and offering basic commodities important to mothers and babies (Motherpacks) immediately after delivery at health facilities, can improve the uptake of health facility delivery services in poor rural communities that maintain a strong bias for TBA assisted home delivery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Institution-based childbirth, with the ultimate goal of universal access to skilled birth attendance (SBA), has been selected as a key strategy to reduce the maternal mortality rate in many developing countries. However, the question of how to engage traditional birth attendants (TBAs) in the advocacy campaign for SBA poses a number of challenges. This paper aims to demonstrate how TBAs in rural regions of China have been integrated into the health system under a policy of institutional delivery.Methods: Research was conducted through literature and document reviews and individual in-depth interviews with stakeholders of the safe motherhood program in rural Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, China. A total of 33 individual interviews were conducted with regional and local politicians, policy makers, health managers, health providers, civil society members, village cadres for women affairs, former TBAs, village maternal health workers, mothers and their mother-in-laws.Results: Since 1998, TBA's traditional role of providing in-home care during childbirth has been restructured and their social role has been strengthened in rural Guangxi. TBAs were redesigned to function as the linkage between women and the health system. A new policy in 1999 shifted the role of TBAs to village maternal health workers whose responsibilities were mainly to promote perinatal care and institution-based delivery of pregnant women. This successful transformation involved engaging with government and other actors, training TBAs for their new role, and providing incentives and sanctions for human resources management.Conclusions: The China experience of transforming the role of TBAs in Guangxi rural area is an example of successfully engaging TBAs in promoting institution-based childbirth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In 2005-06, only 39 % of Indian women delivered in a health facility. Given that deliveries at home increase the risk of maternal mortality, it was in this context in 2005, that the Indian Government implemented the Janani Suraksha Yojana program that incentivizes poor women to give birth in a health facility by providing them with a cash transfer upon discharge. JSY helped raise institutional delivery to 74 % in the eight years since its implementation. Despite the success of the JSY in raising institutional delivery proportions, the large number of beneficiaries (105 million), and the cost of the program, there have been few qualitative studies exploring why women participate (or not) in the program. The objective of this paper was to explore this.Methods: In March 2013, we conducted 24 individual in-depth interviews with women who delivered within the previous 12 months in two districts of Madhya Pradesh, India. Qualitative framework analysis was used to analyze the data.Results: Our findings suggest that women's increased participation in the program reflect a shift in the social norm. Drivers of the shift include social pressure from the Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA) to deliver in a health facility, and a growing individual perception of the importance for 'safe' and 'easy' delivery which was most likely an expression of the new social norm. While the incentive was an important influence on many women's choices, others did not perceive it as an important consideration in their decision to deliver in a health facility. Many women reported procedural difficulties to receive the benefit. Retaining the cash incentive was also an issue due to out-of-pocket expenditures incurred at the facility. Non-participation was often unintentional and caused by personal circumstances, poor geographic access or driven by a perception of poor quality of care provided in program facilities.Conclusions: In summary, while the cash incentive was important for some women in facilitating an institutional birth, the shift in social norm (possibly in part facilitated by the program) and therefore their own perceptions has played a major role in them giving birth in facilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]