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In this paper, I contest the view of the group as a source of bias and irrationality, especially prevalent within social psychology. I argue that this negative evaluation often arises by applying inappropriate standards, relating to the wrong level of analysis (often the individual level). Second, the image of the group as bad and biasing is often overstated. For example, the evidence suggests that intergroup discrimination, rather than being universal or generic, is often constrained, proportionate and reflects functional and rational strategies for managing threats and opportunities at the group level. Third, although the recent upsurge of interest in group emotions could be seen to reinforce the dualism between rationality and emotion, the contemporary functional approach argues for group emotions as augmenting rather than contradicting rationality. However, we should be wary (and weary) of narrow economic and individualist notions of rationality; group identity may offer the opportunity to redefine rationality in more collective and prosocial ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social scientific work on the suppression, mitigation or denial of prejudiced attitudes has tended to focus on the strategic self-presentation and self-monitoring undertaken by individual social actors on their own behalf. In this paper, we argue that existing perspectives might usefully be extended to incorporate three additional considerations. First, that social actors may, on some occasions, act to defend not only themselves, but also others from charges of prejudice. Second, that over the course of any social encounter, interactants may take joint responsibility for policing conversation and for correcting and suppressing the articulation of prejudiced talk. Third, that a focus on the dialogic character of conversation affords an appreciation of the ways in which the status of any particular utterance, action or event as ‘racist’ or ‘prejudiced’ may constitute a social accomplishment. Finally, we note the logical corollary of these observations — that in everyday life, the occurrence of ‘racist discourse’ is likely to represent a collaborative accomplishment, the responsibility for which is shared jointly between the person of the speaker and those other co-present individuals who occasion, reinforce or simply fail to suppress it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how the constructs of ‘prejudice’ and ‘racism’ were used and understood by respondents in an interview study concerning the settlement of Albanian refugees in Greece. Analysis indicated the existence of multiple, potentially contradictory, common sense understandings of prejudice and racism, analogous to some accounts of the prejudice construct in academic social psychology. However, notwithstanding the fact that respondents displayed multiple understandings of racism or prejudice in theory, these abstract formulations were rarely employed to account for actual instances of discrimination. Specific discriminatory acts against Albanian people were framed instead as matters of fear and risk. By virtue of being cast within a problematic of in/security rather than within the discursive frame of prejudice, particular hostile actions against the Albanian refugees could be glossed as reasonable and understandable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much research in intergroup relations concerns the potential for interventions (e.g. intergroup contact) to reduce majorities' discrimination against minorities. In this paper we focus on how minority group members construe such interventions, especially as they affect their abilities to act in terms of their collective identity to realize social change. In addressing this issue, we focus on a minority's beliefs and theories concerning the intergroup dynamics lying behind their marginalization. Our data are qualitative and concern British Muslims' analyses of the dynamics of Islamophobia. Specifically, we explore two theorizations of Muslims' marginalization. Both share a concern with improving Muslims' collective position in Britain. However, they construe the dynamics to Islamophobia in very different ways, and this shapes their approach to intergroup contact and dialogue. Our analysis is informed by, and seeks to complement, social psychological theorizing on social change and intergroup contact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although intersectionality is gaining ground in social psychological research, most approaches fail to capture the historically and interactionally contingent nature of intersecting identities and the implications of their mobilization. This study, aiming at addressing this lacuna, focuses on the intersection of identities as lay actors' resource, used to account for the murder of Zak Kostopoulos, a young LGBTQI+ activist in Greece. Data are derived from 4 focus group discussions in which 25 young people, aged between 19 and 25 years old, participated. Using concepts provided by discursive/rhetorical psychology, analysis indicated that the rhetorical occasioning of intersecting identities is oriented to social accountability concerns and accomplishes important positioning work for the speakers. Specifically, by underscoring the intersecting (sexual/class) identities of the victim, speakers accentuated the moral charge against the perpetrators, distancing themselves from the (constructed as prototypically Greek) image of the un‐enlightened and servile bigot. However, although participants explained ZK's murder through recourse to his intersecting identities, they grounded claims for justice on a common human identity (independent of class and sexuality). Findings are discussed in relation to the need to advance a critical agenda for social psychology research on intersectionality and to processes of ideological reproduction in the context of LGBTQΙ+ politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While COVID‐19 implications for prejudice have been investigated among adults in previous research, children's intergroup reactions to the pandemic and specifically how native children's contact behaviours with refugees might have changed after the pandemic has not been examined yet. Drawing on a unique longitudinal school dataset (N = 861, 5th graders, Mage reported at T1 = 10.38, SD = 0.68) collected before the onset of the pandemic (T1, pre‐lockdown), after the onset of the pandemic (T2, post‐lockdown), and 6 months after the post‐lockdown (T3, follow‐up) in Turkey, we examined how children's contact behaviour (positive and negative contact), contact motivation (self‐efficacy and volition), as well as behavioural tendencies (approach and avoidance) have shifted during this period (2.5 years). We observed a consistent pattern of improvement in contact behaviours demonstrated by increases in positive contact variables and decreases in negative contact variables particularly from T1 to T2. The change in some positive contact variables was stable for 6 months, while negative contact and avoidance rapidly regressed to the baseline during the normalization period (T3). The boosting effect of the pandemic was particularly pronounced among children who displayed greater prejudice towards refugees before the pandemic. Findings contribute to the growing research literature delineating the potential benefits of COVID‐19 at the collective level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical Race Theory (CRT) suggests psychology's contribution to racism takes various forms. Abstractly, racism is promoted through psychology's flawed theoretical conceptualization as an individualized, inevitable occurrence. Concretely, it occurs because psychology is one of the most popular reasons students come to university and Black Asian and Minoritized Ethnic (BAME) students report racist harassment and less access to formal support whilst there. This racism and student‐proposed anti‐racist recommendations are often ignored. Concretely assessing what racism students face, assessing how students understand racism, and demonstrating student support for anti‐racist recommendations, are CRT‐informed methods of challenging university racism. White (n = 213) and BAME (n = 182) UK students were asked about their estimation of racism, any positive action and discrimination experienced, and their access to university support. Participants were also randomized into multiple conditions where five anti‐racist recommendations were proposed (by Professors N. Patel, R. Smith, or no one). Participant consensus was found in high racism estimations, in benefiting from similar positive actions and in accessing four types of university support. However, White students underestimated racism more so, received less discrimination, and reported more access to three university support types. Almost all participants supported the recommendations regardless of proposer. These results suggest the implementation of anti‐racist recommendations converges with university's interests as student stakeholder support them. Psychologists in universities can advocate for these recommendations and take other anti‐racist actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voice‐based sexual orientation (SO) judgements can prompt group‐based discrimination. However, the relationships between stigmatization and essentialist beliefs about vocal cues to SO have not been researched. Two studies examined heterosexuals' and gay men's and lesbian women's essentialist beliefs about voice as a cue of SO to uncover essentialist beliefs' role in the perpetration and experience of stigma. In Study 1 (N = 363), heterosexual participants believed voice was a better cue to SO for men than for women, and participants' belief in the discreteness, immutability, and controllability of 'gay‐sounding' voices was correlated with higher avoidant discrimination towards gay‐sounding men. In Study 2 (N = 147), endorsement of essentialist beliefs about voice as a SO cue was associated with self‐perceptions of sounding gay amongst gay men and lesbians. Sexual minority participants, especially gay men, who believed that they sounded gay reported more anticipation of rejection and engaged in vigilance in response. Essentialist beliefs about vocal cues to SO are relevant to explaining both the perpetration of stigma by heterosexuals and the experience of stigma for lesbians and gay men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined whether zero‐sum thinking explains White Australian‐born people's majority‐culture perceptions of discrimination towards their ingroup and an outgroup (immigrants), and the relationships among perceived discrimination and support for multiculturalism and immigration. Two correlational cross‐sectional studies were conducted among self‐identified White Australians (Study 1, N = 517), and White Americans (Study 2, N = 273), as well as an experiment among White Australians (Study 3, N = 121) in which we manipulated discrimination towards immigrants over time. Our findings did not support a zero‐sum account but revealed that perceptions of group discrimination were positively correlated: a case of 'they're discriminated against, but so are we' rather than 'if they gain, we lose'. Moreover, concerns about future discrimination of the ingroup were most predictive of opposition to multicultural policy and immigration. We argue our findings are more consistent with a competitive victimhood account of intergroup relations than a zero‐sum thinking account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In five experiments, we examined the stereotypes, emotions, and behavioural intentions associated with a Spanish working‐class group, known as chonis. We described a student (Experiments 1–3) or job candidate (Experiments 4–5) and presented participants with a picture showing a woman characterized either as choni or posh (an upper‐class group, Experiments 2–4) or with no picture (Experiments 1, 3–5). Depending on the condition, explicit information about her high social class (Experiment 1), performance (Experiment 3), or category (Experiment 5) was provided. Participants evaluated the candidate more negatively, felt less admiration, and were less willing to interact with her or to recommend her for a job when she was categorized as choni as compared to the other categories. These effects disappeared if the student/candidate had high socioeconomic status or performed excellently in the academic domain, but they were magnified for highly (vs. weakly) materialistic individuals. Class prejudice apparently has harmful effects on disadvantaged individuals, but can be mitigated by explicit information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Links between competitive victimhood and discrimination are well documented. However, the mechanisms how victimhood beliefs remain relevant for decades and how conflict survivors can shape attitudes and behaviours of the post‐conflict generations are little understood. Following the Transgenerational Transmission Hypothesis and the Integrated Threat Theory, we propose that the link between parental competitive victimhood and discrimination among their children is mediated through family ethnic socialization and symbolic threat to the in‐group. Participants were families that included youth (N = 227) and their parents (172 mothers, 150 fathers) in Vukovar, Croatia. A multiple group, chain mediation model was conducted with parental competitive victimhood as the predictor; youth ethnic socialization and symbolic threat as sequential mediators; and youth tendency to discriminate against the outgroup and perceived ethnic in‐group discrimination as outcomes. The findings revealed significant indirect effects of the competitive victimhood on both outcomes, via the proposed mediators. The only difference in the model between majority Croats and minority Serbs was the path from symbolic threat to tendency to discriminate, which was positive and significant for both groups, but stronger among Croats. The findings imply that interventions in post‐conflict settings need to address family ethnic socialization processes in addition to directly working with youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion that ethnic and religious minority identities are inherently incompatible with the national identities of European immigrant‐receiving societies is popular in public discourse. Although findings documenting such negative associations seemingly support this claim, other research shows that the intergroup context matters for the extent to which minorities' ethnic and religious identities are conflicting (i.e., negatively associated) or compatible (i.e., positively associated) with European national identities. However, previous research relied on cross‐sectional data and therefore could not capture the dynamic process through which minority youth come to develop compatible or conflicting identification patterns. We extend this work with a longitudinal approach by capturing developmental trajectories of identity multiplicity among ethnic minority early adolescents in Germany over three waves with 9‐month intervals. At each measurement point, participants reported their ethnic, religious, and (German) national identification and their experiences with discriminatory treatment. We estimate a cross‐lagged panel model to study how identification relates to perceived discrimination and how this affects (changes in) associations between ethnic, religious, and national identification of minority youth. Our results show prevalent positive associations between ethnic, religious, and national identification across minority youth in the sample. Those who report more frequent discrimination, however, lower their (German) national identification over time, which in turn predicts increased minority identification. We conclude that identity threat indeed triggers a development of more conflicting identification patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Five hundred and seventy-three Scottish high school students were surveyed in the 2 months following the 2014 referendum on Scotland's independence. We used the Social Identity, Relative Deprivation, collective Efficacy (SIRDE) model of social change to examine the social psychological factors that should have influenced the voting choices of these teenagers. Structural equation modelling indicated that the SIRDE model fit the data and largely supported four sets of hypotheses derived from the model. Specifically, (1) those with a stronger Scottish identity, (2) those who felt frustrated and angry that Scottish people are discriminated against in British society, and (3) those who believed that Scottish people are not able to improve their relatively poor social conditions within the United Kingdom (a lack of collective efficacy) were more likely to hold separatist beliefs. Further, the relationships between identity, relative deprivation, and collective efficacy, on the one hand, and voting for Scotland's independence, on the other, were fully mediated by separatist social change beliefs. Consistent with the specificity of the model, neither political engagement nor personal relative deprivation were associated with voting choice, whereas the latter was associated with lower life satisfaction. The implications and limitations of these findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do individuals deal with group disadvantage when their fellow in-group members conceive it as legitimate? Integrating research on the normative conflict model (Packer, 2008, Pers. Soc. Psychol. Rev., 12, 50) and collective action, we expect high identifiers to reject the in-group norm of legitimacy that justifies the inequality, and to assert that the group is actually able and willing to contest the disadvantage by collective means. In Study 1 and Study 2, we tested this hypothesis in different intergroup contexts. The results confirmed our predictions and also showed one boundary condition for high identifiers, namely that the content of the social identity supports resistance. In Study 3, we found support for our hypothesis using artificial groups and manipulating identification experimentally. These results show that even when a disadvantaged group appears to accept its situation, high identified in-group members will still contest this and, moreover, expect other in-group members to support them in this endeavour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated the conditions under which discrimination can lead to social identity changes among members of a minority group. Both positive and negative relations between perceptions of discrimination and social identity have previously been reported. To explain the conflicting results and understand the complex reality of members of stigmatized groups, we argue that group-based emotions (e.g., group-based dissatisfaction) and ambiguity of discrimination cues (i.e., overt vs. ambiguous) need to be considered. We hypothesized that perceptions of discrimination would play a moderating role between group-based dissatisfaction and social identity change in a context of ambiguous, but not of overt, discrimination. The sample was comprised of 151 Arab Muslims living in the province of Quebec. Participants read fictitious newspaper articles portraying either overt ( n = 76) or ambiguous ( n = 75) discrimination towards in-group members. Results revealed that for participants in the overt discrimination condition, only group-based dissatisfaction was positively associated with social identity change. In contrast, for the participants in the ambiguous discrimination condition, those who perceived little discrimination and felt low group-based dissatisfaction reported a decrease in social identity. However, those who perceived low group discrimination and felt high group-based dissatisfaction reported a positive social identity change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research investigated judgements of moral responsibility for attitude-based discrimination, testing whether a wrongdoer's mental states - awareness and foresight - are central determinants of culpability. Participants read about and judged a target person who was described as consciously egalitarian, but harbouring negative attitudes that lead him to treat African Americans unfairly. Two studies showed that participants ascribed greater moral responsibility for discrimination when the target was aware of having negative attitudes than when he was unaware. Surprisingly, moral judgements were equally harsh towards a target who was explicitly aware that his bias could influence his behaviour as a target who was not. To explain this result, a second study showed that the path from awareness to moral responsibility was mediated by perceptions that the target had an obligation to foresee his discriminatory behaviour, but not by perceptions of the target's actual foresight. These results suggest that bias awareness influences moral judgements of those who engage in attitude-based discrimination because it obligates them to foresee harmful consequences. The current findings demonstrate that moral judges consider not just descriptive facts, but also normative standards regarding a wrongdoer's mental states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four studies tested the prediction that feelings of national nostalgia (i.e. nostalgia on the basis of one's national ingroup membership) result in more opposition towards expressive rights for Muslim immigrants, because they strengthen the belief that a place belongs to its original inhabitants, and that they are therefore more entitled (i.e. autochthony). Study 1 found that national nostalgia can be distinguished from personal nostalgia, and that national (rather than personal) nostalgia was related to more opposition to Muslim rights via stronger endorsement of autochthony. This latter result was replicated in another survey study (Study 2) and in an experiment (Study 3) in which national nostalgia was manipulated. Study 4 provided preliminary evidence that the salience of autochthony increases opposition to Muslim rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the political mobilization of ethnic minorities has shown that dual ethno-national identification facilitates involvement in political action on behalf of the ethnic group. This study extends this research by proposing that a dual identity can impede political mobilization on behalf of another relevant in-group - the religious community - especially if this in-group is not accepted by the wider society. Using a sample of 641 Muslims of Turkish origin living in Germany and the Netherlands, dual ethno-national identity ( Turkish- German/ Turkish- Dutch) was examined in relation to religious Muslim identification and religious political mobilization. Dual identity was expected to be indirectly related to lower mobilization via decreased religious group identification. Further, this mediating process was predicted to be stronger for Turkish Muslims who perceived relatively high religious group discrimination. In both countries we found support for the mediating hypothesis, however, the moderating role of discrimination was confirmed only for the Netherlands. Turkish- Dutch identification was associated with lower support for religious political mobilization because of lower Muslim identification only for Turkish- Dutch participants who perceived high levels of discrimination. These findings indicate that a strong dual (ethno-national) identity can undermine minority members' support for political rights and actions on behalf of a third relevant in-group, and therefore qualify the social psychological benefits of the dual identity model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emerging research suggests that outgroup partner's anxiety can disrupt intergroup rapport-building. This study extends previous findings by investigating the interactive effects of anticipated outgroup partner's anxiety and perceived ethnic discrimination on self-anxiety and intergroup contact avoidance. A sample of immigrant adolescents belonging to different ethnic minorities in Italy ( N = 118) was considered. Results showed that when participants expected to interact with an anxious outgroup (Italian) versus in-group partner, self-anxiety increased and, as a consequence, their intentions to avoid future encounters. However, these effects were observed only for participants with higher (vs. lower) perceptions of being discriminated against. The implications of these results for interethnic communication and misunderstandings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how Geert Wilders, leader of the far-right Party For Freedom (PVV) in the Netherlands, justifies discriminatory measures for Muslim citizens. Wilders' contributions to four parliamentary debates and newspaper articles are analysed. The analysis shows that Wilders consistently makes a distinction between Islam as a belief system and Muslims as a group of people. Islam is defined as external to the West and as a major threat to the virtuous nature of the in-group. Defending and preserving Western liberal values against Islam is construed as a moral imperative. It is further shown how the distinction between Islam and Muslims functions to ward off accusations of prejudice and discrimination. It is concluded that social psychologists studying prejudice and discrimination should pay more attention to the distinction between person categories and ideological categories, and to political leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite their shared focus on groups, research bridging intragroup processes and intergroup relations is surprisingly rare. The goal of the present article is to highlight how understanding the reciprocal relationship between intragroup processes and intergroup relations offers valuable new insights into both topics and suggests new, productive avenues for research and theory development - particularly for understanding and improving intergroup relations. The article next briefly reviews key findings from three dominant frameworks in the field of intergroup relations: social cognition, social identity, and functional relations. It then discusses the complementary role of intergroup and intragroup dynamics, reviewing how intergroup relations can affect intragroup processes and then discussing how intragroup dynamics can shape intergroup relations. The final section considers the implications, theoretical and practical, of the proposed reciprocal relationships between intragroup and intergroup processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Past research shows that attachment security is linked to low prejudice (Hofstra, Van Oudenhoven & Bunnk, 2005; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2001). We extend this research by examining the role of attachment security in discriminatory choices and discriminatory behaviour. The current study examines the influence of primed attachment security (vs. neutral prime) on self-reported discrimination and actual discriminatory behaviour towards Muslims. Results illustrate that primed attachment security (vs. a neutral prime) significantly predicts both the choice to discriminate against Muslims and subsequent behavioural discrimination towards a Muslim. Implications for increasing attachment security as a means of reducing prejudice and discrimination are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This 1-year follow-up study investigated the direct and indirect effects of past, anticipated, and actual experiences of inter-group interactions on the development of national identity and attitudes towards the national majority among ethnic re-migrants ( N= 141) from Russia to Finland. According to the results, the quality of past inter-group contact in the pre-migration stage (T1) did not directly affect national identification and out-group attitudes in the post-migration stage (T2). Instead, the effect of contact quality at T1 on national identification and out-group attitudes at T2 was indirect via perceived discrimination and out-group rejection at T2. In addition, there were two indirect pathways from out-group attitudes at T1 to national identification and out-group attitudes at T2, via pleasant contact experiences (further associated with positive out-group attitudes) and via perceived discrimination (further associated with negative attitudes and lower national identification) in the post-migration stage. Anticipated discrimination only had a direct effect on out-group attitudes in the post-migration stage. The results highlight the role of past and anticipated inter-group relations in the formation of post-migration inter-group interactions, which, in turn, are decisive for the formation of national identification and out-group attitudes of re-migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking an approach from religion as a social identity and using large-scale comparative surveys in five European cities, we investigate when and how perceived discrimination is associated with religious identification and politicization among the second generation of Turkish and Moroccan Muslims. We distinguish support for political Islam from political action as distinct forms of politicization. In addition, we test the mediating role of religious identification in processes of politicization. Study 1 estimates multi-group structural equation models of support for political Islam in Belgium, the Netherlands, and Sweden. In line with a social identity model of politicization and across nine inter-group contexts, Muslims who perceived more discrimination identified (even) more strongly as Muslims; and high Muslim identifiers were most ready to support political Islam. In support of a competing social stigma hypothesis, however, negative direct and total effects of perceived discrimination suggest predominant depoliticization. Using separate sub-samples across four inter-group contexts in Belgium, Study 2 adds political action tendencies as a distinct form of politicization. Whereas religious identification positively predicts both forms of politicization, perceived discrimination has differential effects: Muslims who perceived more discrimination were more weary of supporting political Islam, yet more ready to engage in political action to defend Islamic values. Taken together, the studies reveal that some Muslim citizens will politicize and others will depoliticize in the face of discrimination as a function of their religious identification and of prevailing forms of politicization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been argued that stereotype priming (response times are faster for stereotypical word pairs, such as black-poor, than for non-stereotypical word pairs, such as black-balmy) is partially a function of biases in the belief system inherent in the culture. In three priming experiments, we provide direct evidence for this position, showing that stereotype priming effects associated with race, gender, and age can be very well explained through objectively measured associative co-occurrence of prime and target in the culture: (a) once objective associative strength between word pairs is taken into account, stereotype priming effects disappear; (b) the relationship between response time and associative strength is identical for social primes and non-social primes. The correlation between associative-value-controlled stereotype priming and self-report measures of racism, sexism, and ageism is near zero. The racist/sexist/ageist in all of us appears to be (at least partially) a reflection of the surrounding culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research, conducted in the Netherlands, investigates whether people who do not feel strongly committed to their national in-group (i.e., lower identifiers) can be mobilized against expressive rights of Muslim immigrants when specific historical representations of the nation are made salient. Three experimental studies were conducted to examine whether a national identity presented as rooted in Christianity results in comparable levels of opposition towards Muslim expressive rights for lower and higher identifiers. Results in all three studies show that higher identifiers were more likely to oppose Muslim rights than lower identifiers when a tolerant or neutral historical national identity was salient. Yet, no differences in levels of opposition between lower and higher identifiers were observed in the Christian condition. These findings underline the importance of historical representations of the nation to understand the relationship between national identification and opposition to ethnic out-groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of status differences between groups has been an important topic in intergroup relations research. In this work, status differences are typically operationalized in dyadic terms: i.e., high versus low status. Based on the social identity approach, we conducted a minimal group experiment to investigate intergroup behaviours in a three-group social hierarchy (high, intermediate, and low status; N=187). Participants were randomly assigned to one of the three groups and allocated resources in either limited or not limited resource conditions. Among others, results showed that participants in the intermediate status group were equally biased against both out-groups when resources were limited, while they were more biased against the high than the low status group when resources were unlimited. The results point to distinct psychological processes that operate in intermediate status groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two experiments examine how experimentally induced differences in state self-esteem moderate emotional and behavioural responses to ambiguous and unambiguous discrimination. Study 1 (N=108) showed that participants who were exposed to ambiguous discrimination report more negative self-directed emotions when they have low compared to high self-esteem. These differences did not emerge when participants were exposed to unambiguous discrimination. Study 2 (N=118) additionally revealed that self-esteem moderated the effect of ambiguous discrimination on self-concern, task performance, and self-stereotyping. Results show that ambiguous discrimination caused participants with low self-esteem to report more negative self-directed emotions, more self-concern, an inferior task performance, and more self-stereotyping, compared to participants in the high self-esteem condition. Emotional and behavioural responses to unambiguous discrimination did not depend on the induced level of self-esteem in these studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently in Canada, there is a widespread underemployment among foreign-trained immigrants. This is because potential employers often have to evaluate unfamiliar foreign qualifications that, regrettably, are often misunderstood and undervalued. This questionnaire study tested a model that integrates relative deprivation theory with social identity theory to predict the degree to which skilled migrants from Asia and Africa with credentialing problems protest this systemic discriminatory barrier (N = 180). In the model, the strength of cultural and national identifications are conceptualized as opposing motivational forces that, along with collective relative deprivation (CRD), directly impact protest intentions. As well, the model specifies that the so-called 'affective' component of CRD consists of an attribution of blame (perceived discrimination) and associated emotions. Structural equation modelling shows that the model is a good fit to the data. As hypothesized, significant path coefficients show that the strength of cultural identity increases and the strength of Canadian identity decreases the degree to which the respondents feel that immigrants suffer discrimination which, in-turn, influenced their intentions to take protest actions. The implications of these findings for the integration of relative deprivation and social identity theories are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories of dehumanization generally assume a single clear-cut, value-free and nondilemmatic boundary between the categories 'human' and 'animal'. The present study highlights the relevance of dilemmas involved in drawing that boundary. In six focus groups carried out in Romania and Britain, 42 participants were challenged to think about dilemmas pertaining to animal and human life. Four themes were identified: rational autonomy, sentience, speciesism and maintaining materialist and post-materialist values. Sentience made animals resemble humans, while humans' rational autonomy made them distinctive. Speciesism underlay the human participants' prioritization of their own interests over those of animals, and a conservative consensus that the existing social system could not change supported this speciesism when it was challenged. Romanian participants appealed to Romania's lack of modernity and British participants to Britain's modernity to justify such conservatism. The findings suggest that the human—animal boundary is not essentialized; rather it seems that such boundary is constructed in a dilemmatic and post hoc way. Implications for theories of dehumanization are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories suggest that identity motives for self-esteem, meaning, distinctiveness and belonging are implicated in intergroup discrimination. Experimental studies have supported predictions, but correlational tests have been hindered by methodological problems. Using a new approach to measuring identity motives, we compared predictions of individual differences in in-group favouritism. Seventy British adults completed measures of identity motives, British identification and positive and negative trait typicality ratings of British and German nationalities. With greater identification, the strength of motives for distinctiveness and belonging increasingly predicted in-group favouritism: consistent with optimal distinctiveness theory, the belonging motive predicted positive ratings of the national in-group, whereas the distinctiveness motive predicted negative ratings of the national out-group. Results show the value of disentangling measures of motive strength from measures of motive satisfaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]