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The article focuses on the press and public opinion in Great Britain, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociological Association in 1955. The first influence on the policy of a paper will be its tradition, which is a vital part of its goodwill as a business. Next important factor is the readership's character and the circulation. A paper that is read standing in the train, giving special attention to the interests of women, punters and filmgoers, will not have space to inform its readers adequately about foreign affairs. Third in the list of influences in a newspaper office comes the experience, educational background, sense of responsibility of the editor and his editorial staff. Whatever the policy of the paper, their special interests and bias will be reflected in it. The next factor to consider is contact with readers. The newspaper can influence the reader by a multitude of stories, ideas, recommendations and services. The reader can only refuse his pennies. Circulation is, of course, very important. Without it advertising dies, and the paper dies with it. But generally speaking, the paper's attitude in foreign affairs will be a secondary factor in the reader's choice of reading.

The relationship between interpersonal trust and membership in voluntary associations is a persistent research finding in sociology. What is more, the notion of trust has become a central issue in current social science theorizing covering such diverse approaches as transaction costs economics or cognitive sociology. In different ways and for different purposes, these approaches address the role of voluntary organizations, although, as this paper argues, much of this thinking remains sketchy and underdeveloped. Against an empirical portrait of this relationship, the purpose of this paper is to assess such theorizing. We first set out to explicate major approaches to trust in economics, sociology and political science, using the non-profit or voluntary organization as a focal point. We then examine the various approaches in terms of their strengths and weaknesses, and, finally, identify key areas for theoretical development. In particular, we point to the social movement literature, the social psychology of trust, and recent thinking about civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section provides an overview of several reports on the social work presented during the conference of the British Sociological Association in 1957. In her paper, The Development of Professional Social Work and its Place in the Welfare State, Una Cormack began by tracing the history of social work. She argued that social work as we know it was a response to problems posed by the industrial revolution. By the end of the last century the principles, and some of the skills and attitudes typical of modern social work were already widely accepted. But at the turn of the century a rift appeared between social work and social reform. As a result, many social services developed without any effective participation by social workers, and for many years social work was handicapped by its alienation from the main streams of thought and action. Some discussed social work in terms of social functions and professional roles, others in terms of occupational categories and the services within which social workers are employed, and others in terms of the skills and attitudes held to typify the professional social worker. Much of the discussion that followed was concerned with problems of status within the social services.

This section presents the highlights of a discussion on race relations during the conference of the British Sociological Association in 1957. Three main papers were read by A. H. Richmond on Theoretical Orientations in Studies of Ethnic Group Relations in Britain, by H. S. Deighton on History and the Study of Race Relations and by H. S. Morris on The Plural Society. The convenor made an opening statement on his views of the nature and possible scope of race relations studies, while professor Pear wound up the second session with a brief outline of the study of speech as a social device for classifying, identifying, and characterizing national and ethnic groups. The programme had been designed to bring a wide range of academic interests to bear up on the field, and in the event there was an interesting interplay of views from sociologists, social anthropologists, historians, and social psychologists. Among the points raised in discussion the following seem to have been of major importance. The definition of prejudice and its measurement are more difficult questions than is often realized, and any simple-minded treatment of racial attitudes can be very misleading. There was emphasis on the need for structural analysis of race relations with special reference to changes in access to political power afforded to minorities.

This article provides information on the biennial conference of the British Sociological Association at Queen Elizabeth College in London, England on March 22 to 24, 1957. The theme Sociology in Retrospect and Prospect was an appropriate one in view of the increasingly felt need to undertake a systematic re-assessment and clarification of the main issues involved in sociological theory and practice. A large theme of this nature could not be pursued in exhaustive detail, but the papers in both the plenary and the group sessions were such as to stimulate much thought, and the degree of interest shown in the conference was such as to suggest that this theme was one of central concern to all. The attendance was greater than had been anticipated. Although not central to the theme of the conference, perhaps one of the most significant facts about it was that it became the basis for a consciously contrived effort to begin and foster co-operative relations between the British Association and the American Sociological Society. Another encouraging feature was that 39 students were sufficiently interested to become student members of the association. The executive officers were very helpful throughout, and finally it proved possible to send over a small delegation.

This article presents the highlights of a discussion on criminology during the conference of the British Sociological Association in 1957. Attendance at the three meetings of the section ranged between fifty and thirty members. The opening paper by W. Cordon Rose, reviewed the development of criminology in Britain over the last half-century in terms of its relationship to the Penal Reform movement and the growth of social studies in British Universities. In the second paper, J. C. Spencer, director of the Bristol Social Project, dealt more specifically with sociological studies in the field of criminology. Apart from a more effective articulation of studies of delinquent sub-cultures and the socialization process in the delinquent family, he underlined the need for research into the field of white-collar crime. A final paper by L. T. Wilkins, social statistician at the Home Office, dealt with the philosophy of prediction methods, a most important development in the penological field, especially in relation to the use of indeterminate sentences. Although the group contained only a minority of members actively concerned in the criminological field, the presence, of persons from other disciplines may be regarded as an encouraging sign of interest by other sociologists in the association.

Recent research on social capital has explored trends in membership in voluntary organizations. However, there is currently little robust evidence on such trends in the UK since the 1970s, nor is there any analysis of whether participation bridges social divisions or accentuates them. This paper explores trends in participation in England and Wales since 1972 using data from the Social Mobility Inquiry of 1972 and the British Household Panel Survey of 1992 and 1999. We are concerned with social exclusion mechanisms in social capital generation in Britain over the three decades. Using binomial and multinomial models to 'unpack' the effects of socio-cultural factors on civic participation and on different types of associational membership, we test the thesis of across-the-board decline in social capital by Putnam (2000) and that of rising levels of middle-class social capital versus consistent low levels of working-class social capital by Hall (1999). The results show significant socio-cultural-gender differences, a relative stability of middle-class participation, and a rapid decline in the working-class access to social capital. We challenge the established accounts of both theses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a tentative theory of congregational Organization; one that is grounded in data about the common organizational features of contemporary churches and synagogues and the practical problems they encounter in their work. Religion is an important factor in accounting for both the similarities and differences between congregations but other factors also contribute to organizational issues which arise, It is suggested that congregations are `special case' voluntary associations in which the actions of members are limited in ways which would not normally apply in secular associations. In addition to having associational features, congregations also have special organizational characteristics with respect to the role of ministers of religion and their `ultimate goals'. The challenge for clergy, lay staff and lay members can be seen as one of operating the basic voluntary association model in a way that also takes into account the two special characteristics of congregational organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first part of the paper will theoretically examine the social function of trust, the preconditions of the production of trust and the possibility of reconstructing power as a mechanism functionally similar to trust. The second part of the paper is based on empirical research and will elaborate from a comparative perspective (Britain and Germany) how industry associations and legal regulations influence the quality of inter-firm relations. Our central argument is that trust is more reliably produced when these institutions are strong and consistent and business relations are deeply embedded into their institutional environment. We will argue that power is more likely to function as an alternative mode of coordinating social expectations and interaction when the institutional framework and the embeddedness of social interaction is weak. But power produced by a comprehensive and stable institutional environment - what we call system power - appears to be fostering the production of trust rather than being detrimental to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the impact of class position on collective action by comparing workers' and business' associational organizability. Hypotheses on this are derived from class theory, collective action theory and organization theory. When examining them via a crossnational comparison of labor unions and business interest associations, class-specific differences arise: a higher organizability accrues to business interest associations in terms of the ability to recruit members, but to unions in terms of internalizing interests and making members comply. No theory's hypotheses are completely consistent with these findings. Their shortcomings are discussed, and a revised theoretical approach is developed. The paper's final section discusses some consequences of the observed differences for business' and unions' interest policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights the first conference of the British Sociological Association held in London, England on March 27-29, 1953. The conference was attended by 233 persons of whom 125 were members of the Association. The theme was Social Policy and the Social Sciences. The conference opened with a plenary session which was addressed by Myrdal on the Relation Between Social Theory and Social Policy. For the second day the conference divided into three groups, each of which devoted its attention to a topic chosen to illustrate the general theme. The three topics chosen for group discussion were: health; design and planning of buildings, towns and countryside; needs and standards in the social services.

This article provides an overview of several reports on educational sociology presented during the conference of the British Sociological Association in 1957. Jean Floud traced the origins of educational sociology back to the studies in pre-war years into problems of social stratification and selection, but it was not until after the war that, under the influence of Karl Mannheim, it became of more general interest to educationists. The second speaker was G. Baron, who emphasized the value of sociology in the curriculum of education departments, particularly for students from overseas, whose interest in the topic was often predominantly sociological. The questions they asked, for example, arising out of their own experiences, concerned the function of various educational institutions and their relationship to the wider social structure. There were two main themes in the discussion. The first questioned the emphasis on social selection and wastage which has characterized studies in this field. The second theme turned upon the problem of research personnel and in particular on how far studies within the classroom have to be undertaken by teachers themselves. The session ended with a paper by T. Bishop in which he described the study he is making into the social background and careers of Winchester pupils.

The article presents information on the transitory organizations to suggest difference between transitory and permanent organizations. Transitory organizations have a short life span due to its immediate goals and they have important functions for society. These organizations are formed to offer an eventual solution to the current problems. Permanent organizations can become bureaucratic due the development of fixed rules and regulations. The hierarchical structure is an important feature of the transitory associations.

The article presents a symposium on family and kin ties in Great Britain and their social implication. Kinship in Britain, pervasive, intangible, still largely unstudied, with its significance either not appreciated or in danger of being overestimated, such was the background to the conference on family and kin ties in Britain and their social implications, that was held in London under the joint auspices of the British Sociological Association and the Association of Social Anthropologists. One finding of the conference was the decision by the British Sociological Association to set up a small Working Party to pursue the subject further, in particular by discussion of work in progress. One major question discussed was methods in kinship study. Exchanges of view seem to indicate that methods and techniques in vogue at present are reasonably satisfactory. As regards substantial propositions regarding kinship in Britain, it is clear that yet, Britain lacks adequate body of broad comparative data.

Presents news briefs concerning the field of sociology in Great Britain as of December 1952. Initiation of a conference by the British Sociological Association from March 27 to March 29, 1953 at King's College of Household and Social Science in London, England; Information on the Second World Congress of Sociology being organized by the International Sociological Association from August 24 to September 1, 1953; Appearance of the obituary of Professor T. Geiger in the March 1953 issue of the "British Journal of Sociology."

Responding to the growing gap between the sociological ethos and the world we study, the challenge of public sociology is to engage multiple publics in multiple ways. These public sociologies should not be left out in the cold, but brought into the framework of our discipline. In this way we make public sociology a visible and legitimate enterprise, and, thereby, invigorate the discipline as a whole. Accordingly, if we map out the division of sociological labor, we discover antagonistic interdependence among four types of knowledge: professional, critical, policy, and public. In the best of all worlds the flourishing of each type of sociology is a condition for the flourishing of all, but they can just as easily assume pathological forms or become victims of exclusion and subordination. This field of power beckons us to explore the relations among the four types of sociology as they vary historically and nationally, and as they provide the template for divergent individual careers. Finally, comparing disciplines points to the umbilical chord that connects sociology to the world of publics, underlining sociology's particular investment in the defense of civil society, itself beleaguered by the encroachment of markets and states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The participant-observer study of the Cheshire Home in Great Britain which is described in this article was intended to bring some fieldwork evidence to bear on popular speculations in the field of the sociology of knowledge. These speculations are best known through the writing of Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann, which draws heavily on the work of Alfred Schutz. Berber's sociology of knowledge draws heavily on notions of socialization which are derived from Goffman's studies of institutional life and from a too simple interpretation of G. H. Mead. This article therefore examines a Cheshire Home as a marginal world which perhaps gave a base for a counter reality and a cluster of counter identities by focusing on processes of resocialization. In view of the great weight given by Berger and Luckmann to temporality as a constituent of reality, special attention was given to the temporal framework within which inmates apprehended both daily agenda and personal biographies. The picture that emerges is of a remarkably tenacious normality. The Cheshire Home was not a base for a counter reality. The three categories which give shape and meaning to the lives of most adults held firm and were still prime categories for interpreting their lives and the world and for structuring relationships.

This article identifies the cognitive bases for exasperated, enthusiastic and ambivalent reactions are identified, by way of an examination of one of his most influential ideas, the concept of the total institution. In the Weberian definition the modern state is identified as a compulsory association with a territorial basis in which the system of order is binding to a very large extent over all action taking place in the area of its jurisdiction. For K.R. Popper, the criterion for a totalitarian state is that its might must permeate and control the whole life of the people in all its functions. Yet S.I. Benn and R.S. Peters, in referring to the democratic state as an umpire deciding between conflicting claims, describe it as the only association exercising an all-embracing jurisdiction within a given territory. What is thus implied is that same place, same authority and all aspects of life are ambiguous phrases. In practice, E. Goffman so defines same place as to accommodate prolonged solitary confinement on the one hand, and enjoying the sunshine in the extensive grounds of a T.B. sanitorium on the other.

In this article the author shows how the seemingly simple question of why some pressure groups are more successful than others turns out to be more subtle than it looks and how the quest for straightforward determinants gives way to something more akin to dialectical analysis. The author remarks that legitimacy may be treated as simply one type of power resource, or, because it lacks any real base, as a separate factor. Either way the greater the degree of legitimacy accorded a claimant the better his chances of success. However, any contestant in a power situation is surrounded by an environment whose actions may be helpful, destructive or simply a nuisance. Some parts thereof are more powerful than others and the weaker any part is in terms of legitimacy and power the less success is a function of anything that part can do. However, the seemingly comprehensible problem of why some groups are more successful than others is of the sort which starts to disintegrate under inspection. An initial problem is the definition of the term group. Pressure groups are commonly reified in discussion. They are held to have goals, to mount campaigns and generally to act as discrete agents in the social network.

This article presents a note stating that the Max Weber Centennial Commission has been established in order to mark the year 1964 as the one-hundredth anniversary of the birth of the German social scientist Max Weber by focusing attention on Weber's impact on the social sciences. The Commission is designed to co-ordinate the efforts of co-operating institutions of higher learning and academic organizations by arranging visiting professorships, exchange lectureships, seminars, and institutes. The activities of the commission will culminate into a symposium to be held in April 1964 in Kansas City.

The article presents a discussion on voluntarism and the contemporary research on voluntary associations. By ignoring the contributions of anthropologists, philosophers, political scientists, economists, and religious scholars; people have lost touch with the contextual issues which might have helped to control bias and particularism. The matter has been made worse within sociology by treating voluntary associations as a separate topic or simply as a dependent variable in community participation studies, while not placing the topic in the context of general organizational research. As a consequence of this specious parochialism one frequently encounters romantic notions about participatory democracy, such as: community members unite in the pursuit of common interests of their own free will, gain satisfaction with democracy, and satisfy the need to belong. The interest in the study of voluntary associations has never approached the fad stage in the United States, as with deviance or group dynamics, but it is loaded with the transmitted values of suburban-dwelling sociologists and their graduate student lineages, who tend to uphold a romantic liberal rhetoric about democratic ideals of participation, and particularly the implicit assumption that people in communities pursue their group interests by forming voluntary associations.

Before the growth of trade unionism among mental nurses, there had existed in England rudiments of a professional organization of Asylum Attendants, the 'Asylum Workers Association.' The organization disappeared almost without trace after the first world war, in intriguing circumstances. Toward the end of the nineteenth century nursing organization was moving apace. It was still difficult for nurses to free themselves from the control of their hospital schools after training, to advance themselves professionally and to seek better positions. This control did not protect the nurse from the use of unskilled labour. Bedford Fenwick, wife of an M.P. and matron of a large London hospital, together with a number of other younger matrons identified the nursing question with the question of woman's suffrage and founded, in 1887, the British Nursing Association to advance interests of nurses. One central purpose of the association was to gain incorporation under a Royal Charter and state recognition of registration of nurses. The organization was set up with remarkable care as regards constitution and balance of the many diverse interests bearing on the profession.

This article provides a mathematical presentation of the political parties in Israel. The basic proposition of the author is that five major issues presently surface in Israeli political life. Each one of these issues is identified as distinguishing two or more political parties from others. These five issues are detailed, along with associated party alliances. A comparison is given of 15 logically possible cases and the actual political ideologies found in Israel. Observations, critique of this form of analysis, and conclusions are given.

The article focuses on a study of the mass voting behavior in Great Britain, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociological Association in 1955. The starting point of any study of mass voting behavior must be the discovery of who votes for which party. It was plain from the constituencies that were Liberal and Conservative strongholds that there was a connection between economic geography and political allegiance. An example of the correlation between party allegiance and social characteristics is the influence of Catholicism on voting. Majority of Catholics appear to vote Labor. Catholics are to a disproportionate extent found in the lower income groups, a majority of which vote Labor. Their social class seems an important determinant of their vote than their religious affiliation. It would be interesting to know about party supporters in terms of their acquaintance with public events, in terms of their estimates of the consequences of victory or defeat for their side, in terms of the intensity of their partisanship, and in terms of their views on the range of social, political and economic problems with which the government has to cope. All study of voting behavior is handicapped by the fact that, for most people, voting in a particular election is the continuation of a habit, not the expression of a newly made decision.

The article focuses on public opinion and foreign policy in Great Britain, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociology Association in 1955. The British Parliament has no independent power over foreign policy comparable with the power of the U.S. Senate. Even treaties do not require parliamentary ratification. If parliament wishes to reject a government proposal it can do so by bringing down the government, and with two-party system and party discipline it is only in the exceptional circumstances that the government majority can be shattered to achieve that. This distinguishes the House of Commons from the French Chamber. Whatever else may be uncertain, it is clear that public opinion may become irresistible whenever a policy decision involves issues of war and peace, or the acceptance of substantial loss of British lives. No government could survive British losses in a war whose justice was attacked by the opposition in parliament. There have been instances where British public opinion has stepped in to check or veto a policy being followed by its government. The reason for this is that there are mechanisms at work which, if they are properly operated, keep the public in step with government policies as they develop, and give the government warning if they are separating themselves from popular sentiment.

The article focuses on public opinions, polls and foreign policy in Great Britain, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociological Association in 1955. Public opinion can be considered in two ways: firstly, as a theoretical concept belonging to the realm of political theory and which is, in general, the intellectual foster-mother of the movements for liberal reform in the nineteenth century. Secondly, public opinion can be considered to mean what public opinion pollers say it is. As a concept in political theory, it is interesting to note that while public opinion was regarded as another name for the general will, the latter was felt to apply only to political issues within the state. Foreign policy was felt to be outside the sphere of the general will. The way in which an individual person views foreign affairs depends upon his position in the social structure, his income, education, occupation, his party: and it is influenced by his age and historical experiences. This is a truism, because the same thing may be said about his views on domestic issues. But whereas in domestic issues the opinions of groups are often sharply opposed, in foreign affairs what is common to all of them is more outstanding than what differentiates them. Those who analyze polls divide the public into three categories: the unaware, the people who confess they have neither read nor heard of important issues in foreign policy; the aware, the people who have heard or read but have only rudimentary knowledge; the informed, the people who are not only aware of issues, but who also know their meaning and their implications.

The article focuses on pressure groups in the government of Great Britain, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociological Association in 1955. Party is an important focus of pressure groups and channel for influence. There is a view of the constitution which assert that influence on decisions ought to be exercised only through parties prepared to submit to the judgment of the electors. There is also similarity between bodies in so far as they have evolved working techniques of influence; there are also differences of internal structure, and these seem to be related to the history and technical character of individual interests, rather than to any grouping by type of interest. The reputation of a pressure group is one of its means of influence, and it would be insane for any group to endanger it for small temporary gains. Pressure through elections may be declining but there is no doubt that organized attempts to alter the climate of opinion are important in British politics. In spite of the implications of the word pressure, there is not much doubt that the most effective of techniques is the appeal to reason. Some social and intellectual prestige is necessary to ensure that your information is what the best people believe to be the best; and there is an element of management in seeing that information is planted in places where it will reach decision-makers. The organized groups are indispensable in the execution of policy as in the making of policy.

The article focuses on power in British political parties, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociological Association in 1955. Two autonomous political entities face each other in Parliament; they are the Conservative Party and the Parliamentary Labor Party. Each is associated with a voluntary mass organization of its supporters outside parliament, the former by the National Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations, the latter by a body known as The Labor Party. The Labor Party has been transformed in the course of 50 years of parliamentary and, latterly, of governmental experience. The chairman-spokesman of 1906 has become party leader and prime minister or potential prime minister. When Labor is in opposition, its leader must work with a Shadow Cabinet elected by the parliamentary party. In opposition, the Labor leader and his Shadow Cabinet, unlike their Conservative opposite numbers, must present and defend their policies at meetings of their parliamentary supporters. The constitution of the Labor Party provides that no proposal shall be included in the Party Programme unless it has been adopted by the Party Conference by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the votes recorded on a card vote. The inner life of the Labor mass organization is in many respects different from that of the National Union. The Conservative mass organization is much less disputatious; at the constituency level it rarely debates policy questions and in annual conference it is even less likely than the Labor conference to reject the advice of its leaders. Indeed the Conservative conference contemplates its leaders in variegated moods of deference and adulation.

The article focuses on the study of the mass voting behavior in France, discussed at the Conference of the British Sociological Association in 1955. In the Fourth Republic the proportion of citizens who vote is four-fifths. Abstentions are about 20 per cent: these are frequent in the municipal elections than in the general elections. Reasons for abstentions are: unavoidable (illness, travel, etc.); local, i.e. distance, bad roads, etc.; and political, that is to say, motivation or absence of motivation for voting, which may depend on circumstances and varies with the political situation. A second factor in voting behavior is loyalty, that is to say, voting again for a party previously supported. There is also information about the influence of factors such as age, residence, occupation and level of education. The tendency to abstain decreases with maturity, but is high in old age. Political preferences and religious observance are associated in France. Another factor in voting behavior is the socio-economic level. On the whole, women conform to the masculine pattern of voting. On the other hand, the socio-economic factor combines with the occupational factor to reinforce its effects. Public opinion polls not only reveal objective factors operating in voting behavior; they also enable in some measure to pin-point the motivation of voters and their own interpretation of their role.

This article discusses matters related to the British Sociological Association as of December 1954. The Executive Committee was impressed by the variety of interesting subjects for study groups suggested in reply to the referendum circulated some time ago. An analysis shows that the predominating topics are Town Planning and Housing, and Industrial Sociology. The Executive Committee will sponsor such a group or groups, provided that the initiative is forthcoming from members. Any members who would be willing to join a study group in London on one of the above subjects should get into touch with me. Accommodation would be made available in the evenings at Skepper House and the distribution of notices, etc., would be undertaken by the Association. In certain areas outside London it appears that members are already effectively organized. Members in Bristol or Oxford may care to be put into touch with existing groups in their areas. Those living elsewhere who are prepared to take the initiative should let me know, and if there is adequate local support will receive similar help from the Association. Professor Simey has tendered his resignation from the office of Honorary Treasurer. Professor Simey has been Honorary Treasurer of the Association since its inauguration in 1951 and his departure from office will he keenly felt. Professor W. J. H. Sprott, of the University of Nottingham, has been invited to fill the office and has kindly accepted.

This article presents information on the Second World Congress of Sociology to be held by the International Sociological Association from July 27 to August 4, 1953 in Liége, Belgium. Two major subjects will be discussed at the world congress: social stratification and social mobility, and intergroup mediation.

Presents news briefs on issues and events concerning social science associations as of March 1951. Launch of the British Sociological Association at the London School of Economics, England on February 3, 1931; Topics discussed at the first conference of the East African Institute of Social Research at Makerere College, Kampala, Uganda from December 17 to 23, 1950.