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This article focuses on the contributions of professor A. R. Radcliffe-Brown to the study of social organization. What Radcliffe-Brown did was to distinguish between the search for historical and evolutionary origins, the preoccupation of ethnology, and the study of the laws of custom and social organization, the province of social anthropology. Those social scientists other than anthropologists who know Radcliffe-Brown's work, tend to pay attention only to his methodological articles. But the vital theoretical contribution lies in his ethnographically centered papers. It is in them that Radcliffe-Brown's adherence to the view that there are laws of social life which can be established by systematic and empirical investigation, is brilliantly justified. These papers are mainly concerned with problems of social organization, or as Radcliffe-Brown now prefers to call it, social structure. Radcliffe-Brown shows that the merging or identification of alternate generations fits in with the widespread concept of the completion of the cycle of the generations in three successive steps, and with the contrasting roles of grandparent and parent in family systems. It is ethnography based on a theoretical discipline, the discipline of structural analysis as first given shape by Radcliffe-Brown.

The sociological analysis of factions has been developing rapidly in sociological research. According to the definition, a faction is stipulated to be an ephemeral group which emerges in order to operate in the interest of a specific aim or conflict. The criteria of recruitment of members to the different factions in the community are based on upon personal aspirations which are involved in the acute cause of rivalry or conflict and not upon any pre-existing connection among its members such as kinship ties, religious affiliations, common caste membership etc. By this definition, it follows that when a faction develops into a more stable group based on some permanent criteria of membership, it is no longer a faction. The paper discusses the phenomenon of factions in communities of immigrants. It presents findings of a research project in Israel which tried to reconstruct and analyze the history and conditions under which factions first emerged and then disappeared in some newly created communities of immigrants in the course of ten years. It attempts to develop further analysis about the conditions under which factions may arise, some possible variations they may display in their composition and structure and most importantly, the function that they possibly perform in the process of adjustment of immigrants to the new social, political and economic conditions.

The sociological analysis of factions has been developing rapidly in sociological research. According to the definition, a faction is stipulated to be an ephemeral group which emerges in order to operate in the interest of a specific aim or conflict. The criteria of recruitment of members to the different factions in the community are based on upon personal aspirations which are involved in the acute cause of rivalry or conflict and not upon any pre-existing connection among its members such as kinship ties, religious affiliations, common caste membership etc. By this definition, it follows that when a faction develops into a more stable group based on some permanent criteria of membership, it is no longer a faction. The paper discusses the phenomenon of factions in communities of immigrants. It presents findings of a research project in Israel which tried to reconstruct and analyze the history and conditions under which factions first emerged and then disappeared in some newly created communities of immigrants in the course of ten years. It attempts to develop further analysis about the conditions under which factions may arise, some possible variations they may display in their composition and structure and most importantly, the function that they possibly perform in the process of adjustment of immigrants to the new social, political and economic conditions.

The article presents comments of the author on his article "Profiting from a Comprehensive School," published in the "British Journal of Sociology," to draw attention to the sociological study of comprehensive schools. Author defends his article on two grounds presentation and analysis, and conclusions. Any inadequacies on presentation are probably determined by the limitations of the article-intended as a research note and not a fully developed paper. The criticism in conclusions seems largely directed at presentation. The conclusions are in fact valid on the basis of the findings of the research itself. The same applies to statistical techniques employed. In short it would seem that no valid critique of the conclusions themselves is presented. However, here is a point-by-point reply. The tables present the most outstanding deviations in keeping with the summary nature of the article. They are condensations of tables in the thesis. Thus class categories are included or omitted in accordance with the importance of variations.

The article focuses on comparative sociology. The purpose of this paper is in part to explain this apparently paradoxical situation by looking at the historical development of comparative sociology, but more important, it tries to assess the role of comparison and the inter-relationship of theory and method in the generation of social theory, through a discussion of the methodological problems inherent in comparative analysis. The association of evolutionism with comparison was a major reason for the comparative method being devalued, if not discredited. Unfortunately comparison has also been linked with functionalism, a link which is not inevitable, and is certainly undesirable. Sampling is another attempt at solving the central problem of how one compares a potentially vast quantity of social facts. Choice of unit or level, specification, quantification, and randomization are all attempts to handle this basic dilemma, while controlling against the chance of generalizing from the atypical.

The paper attempts to outline some of the major problems and opportunities involved in efforts to apply sociology to social work training. Social work, along with other professional disciplines, is becoming increasingly interested in the application of sociological theory and research to its particular field of activity. Social workers have been encouraged to investigate the social factors surrounding the social and psychological causalities whom they have attempted to help. Social workers' interest in social factors has met, however, some formidable obstacles which have generally prevented them until recently from developing this interest into a fuller exercise of the sociological imagination, an exercise which demands a sound appreciation of sociological theory. The areas of social work research are closely linked and should provide eventually interlocking analyses giving an overall picture of social work practice, for the study of the professional development of social work students leads inevitably to the study of social work practice in its organizational and wider sociocultural setting. The sociology of social work, based as it must be upon theoretical analysis and empirical research can provide for the sociologist a new field of investigation and for the social worker an important part of professional training.

This paper focuses on industrialization, development or modernization. The author will start with the division of individual societies into functional sub-systems evolved by various researchers. This is an attempt to categorize aspects of social interaction in terms of the four functional imperatives which, it is postulated, all viable social systems must cater for. In sum, the decade after the end of World War II may be taken as a peak in the prestige-standing of economics. Economists were accorded considerable deference, largely because of the functional emphasis on economic problems in the post-war world; whilst at the same time the strategic status of the economist helped to sustain the narrow economic perspectives of national elites. Some of the most significant early inroads into the domination of economics can be located not so much in existing dissatisfaction with the policy tools of governments as in the academic sphere. The priority of changing emphasis was to a large extent in the hands of academic critics. Notable breaks with the dominance of almost exclusively economic interpretations of the problems of deprived nations occurred during the 1950's.

This paper discusses a problem which lies on the borderline of economics where the economist reaches the limits of his competence and the sociologist or social anthropologist may be interested to take over. In the post-war years, the impact of full employment on managerial policy was particularly marked. British management was confronted with an acute shortage of labour, made worse by what management considered particularly low standards of effort. Many firms found that action was urgently required to deal with the problem of the shortage of labour. Under increasing pressures they tried payment by results as a solution. It appears that in most firms the use of incentive schemes rests on faith in, rather than proof of, the effectiveness of financial incentives, the results expected from payment by results have acquired the status of achieved results in spite of the lack of factual proof of the achievement. Implicit in the belief in the supremacy of the financial motive is the assumption that the worker is always interested in earning more money than he is getting on time-rates. The recurrent wage-claims of the post-war years have helped to strengthen this belief nevertheless in many situations it may be unwarranted.

This article discusses the concepts of cybernetics and social science. Cybernetics is the analytic study of the isomorphisms of communication structure in mechanisms, organisms and societies. On the other hand, the development of science as a social enterprise is a function of the growth of certain new kinds of communication and their formalization into patterns of behaviour. The immediate origin of cybernetics is to be found in the development of calculating machines, of guided missiles and of the anatomy and physiology of the brain. The problems of the sociology of scientific organization are intrinsically interesting and of contemporary concern. One of the major problems of sociology is the difficulty of knowing when a prediction is fulfilled or falsified. This paper will also deal on the status and sociological relevance of cybernetics itself. There is, however, a fundamental weakness in the whole of the cybernetic analysis of purpose. Purposive behaviour in cybernetics is a consequence of an overt change in the milieu. There may be no new science of cybernetics but there is at least a stimulus for a large number of already existing disciplines.

The purpose of this article is to examine the assumptions and method underlying sociology education and outline one approach to the development of a sociology course. Sociology in the 1960s became a firmly established university discipline. At the beginning of the decade there were only three professors in sociology. At the beginning of 1970 there existed over thirty professors. With the increase in the number of professorships there was a substantial increase in the number of students reading sociology. Indeed it can be said that to have read sociology became rather popular in the student world in the 1960s. The system of teaching and examination inevitably constrains the sociological activity of students. Thus for the most part sociology students read what they are told to. It is in this sense that the development of sociology education has been teaching rather than learning centred, and more authoritarian in its values as opposed to democratic. The values underlying the teaching of sociology have never been researched in any comparable way to the values underlying managerial behaviour.

This article examines an aspect of the contemporary architects professional belief system and offers suggestions as to how the belief may assist practitioners to define and respond to the working situations in which they find themselves. The subject matter of this examination-flows from specific interpretation and emphasis of the overall contentions of the architectural concept of functionalism. The author attempts to describe an aspect of the architectural belief system, and to delineate some of its possible functions in assisting the profession to define its role in contemporary Western societies. For architects influencing human behavior is doing so for the betterment of the human condition; as Giedion, an historian of the modern movement, has argued, the goal is to reinstate basic human values. In aspiring to social engineering the post World War II architect is attempting to reassure himself and his public that he is concerned with social welfare.

The article presents a symposium on family and kin ties in Great Britain and their social implication. Kinship in Britain, pervasive, intangible, still largely unstudied, with its significance either not appreciated or in danger of being overestimated, such was the background to the conference on family and kin ties in Britain and their social implications, that was held in London under the joint auspices of the British Sociological Association and the Association of Social Anthropologists. One finding of the conference was the decision by the British Sociological Association to set up a small Working Party to pursue the subject further, in particular by discussion of work in progress. One major question discussed was methods in kinship study. Exchanges of view seem to indicate that methods and techniques in vogue at present are reasonably satisfactory. As regards substantial propositions regarding kinship in Britain, it is clear that yet, Britain lacks adequate body of broad comparative data.

This article discusses the teaching of social administration in Great Britain. Formal teaching of social administration began in university courses of Great Britain, which were established before the first world war for those who wished to prepare themselves to engage in many forms of social and charitable effort. Since then, professional training for social work has developed inside and outside the universities, and the original certificate courses have become an academic preparation for subsequent training. The growth of these degree courses and the admission to one-year certificate courses of increasing numbers of graduates from other fields, have obliterated many of the original two-year certificates. Some universities have abandoned social science certificates altogether, some have converted them into one-year courses for graduates only, and others still run both types of course or an uneasy combination of the two. Meanwhile the employers of social workers are accepting the need for training and new courses are being set up in technical colleges outside universities.

Educated middle-class people tend generally to enjoy reading, and an important part of their leisure reading will be devoted to reading the best fiction which, as educated persons, they will naturally find a rewarding and enjoyable pursuit. None the less, people hold that the agnosticism about literary value when engaging in sociological investigation is by no means as difficult or non-existent as many would imagine. An analogy with religion seems again appropriate here. It is widely reported in the sociology of religion that people tend to wish to appear more religious than they are: beliefs and practices reported in an interview consist frequently of the religious beliefs and actions which informants think they ought to embrace. People might compare this with the expressive church of the arts which prevails among educated middle-class people, including sociologists. A knowledge of, and an ability to discuss intelligently, what one ought to admire in this area, is very much connected with prestige; thus the ability at least to assume some kind of objectivity, even in the public persona of sociologist and scientist, is fraught with danger and difficulty.

This section presents a list of reviewed books on sociology published in the September 1952 issue of the "British Journal of Sociology."

The search for universals means not so much stepping over the borders of cultural communities, as discovering construction principles common to the Spheres of the human praxis apparently belonging to entirely different realms. In other words, universal principles instead of common denominators, theory instead of endless rearrangement of disarrayed empirical records follow immediately. It is quite possible that in non-linguistic cultural sub-systems, like in language, the value of each element depends entirely on their opposition to other elements, on their being different from other elements. They are therefore characterised not by any positive quality of their own but by their oppositional quality and differential value. Common misinterpretations notwithstanding, a chance to bridge the conceptual chasm between statics and dynamics, synchronic and diachronic dimensions, is also built into the analytical equipment of the modern linguistics. The numerous statements to the contrary, frequent as they have been, have been born out of the understandable, though not necessarily convincing, passion of the devout preachers of an undoubtedly revolutionary idea.

The crisis confronting Western sociology is seen to hinge on a fundamental re-examination of the identification of the logic of natural and social sciences. The dialectical logic involved is viewed as providing a bridge between Marxist and non-Marxist sociology which are battling for the mantle of orthodoxy in Western sociology. Sociologist Karl Marx viewed his method as scientific and its product, historical materialism, as a reality. The dominant forces in Western sociology shape their self-image to foresee and relegate anticipation to those engaged in policy planning. Western sociology has been inhospitable to dialectical imagery. Sociology is dialectically linked with alienation, the two working together as a single interactive process. Sociologists began to suspect that the consistency and closure demanded by the system assumption failed to provide a place for fundamental social change. The decision of sociologist Charles Loomis to title his presidential address before the American Sociological Association granted both official sanction and encouragement to the dialectical mode from the Western sociological orthodoxy. The division that has taken place in the house of Western sociology is evidenced within Marxist sociology.

The article presents the author's opinions on sociology. There is only one sociology and that it is functionalist. We are all functionalists now, if indeed it is society we are studying. Society in this assertion does not mean the whole society but the state of human association or interaction. I am not advocating that there is any special need to study whole societies, but that there is a special need to stay focused on social facts. In so far as anyone thinks there is a different sociological approach from the functionalist, it will be because he has been diverted from the emergent properties of social action, probably to the psychology of the actor. That is to say, he will not be making a different approach but approaching a different thing. But in so far as we try to grapple with social facts we will be functionalists. It is sometimes suggested that a theoretical task for the moment is to work out a synthesis that would reconcile functionalism with some of the other assumed non-functionalist views such as a conflict view or a balance view of order.

Jovan Cvijić was born in 1865 at Loznica, Serbia, and was a professor of geography at the University of Belgrade, Yugoslavia, from 1893 to his death in 1927. Apart from geography and geology, Cvijić was also interested in sociology. During the whole period from 1907 to 1927, one can trace in his scientific works such words as sociology, sociological problems, sociological factors, sociological facts, sociological phenomena, sociological studies, and sociological-educated people. At the beginning of the third decade of this century, he appealed to researchers into settlements, migration and the origin of population to make their observations and studies more varied, sharper and more sociological. In his major book, "The Balkan Peninsula," one can find ethnographic and sociological factors and facts permeating chapters relating to settlements, cultural zones, migration, forms of land ownerships and psychological types. In this book, he has shown that social problems, which constitute the subject of modern sociology, prevail over the geographical ones. At the beginning of his scientific career, Cviji´ elaborated his theoretical conception of research into society, the theoretical and methodological approach to the society as a whole and to its individual parts.

The article discusses sociologist Christopher Bryant's defence of scientific sociology. Bryant rejects the idea that sociology must be exclusively humanistic and he proposed three categories of social reality. Humanistic explanations vary in a number of ways, in directness, in simplicity and according to the persistence of the action referred to. Within humanistic explanation there are levels, continua rather than dichotomies. Most famed sociology is humanistic explanation. That this has not been recognized and is frequently denied is profoundly damaging to the defence of the subject. It leads sociologists to fail to push humanistic explanations to their limits of logical and empirical rigour, it leads them to self condemnation, and provides ammunition to sociology's opponents. Bryant, in keeping with his acceptance of a rather rigid dichotomy, is inclined to accept much of the philosophical case against comparison and generalization. Bryant's argument tends to miss the strongest of the philosophical cases. This involves recourse to a fundamental relativism.

General and research interest in the viability of procedures used in the selection of students intending to read for university degrees is appropriate for at least three reasons: intrinsic interest in the predictability of behaviour and the predictive power of behavioural indices; demands of national and university economics and the maintenance of the highest standards in the analysis and communication of knowledge. As the demand for higher education increases, questions are bound to be asked that have a profound bearing on the usefulness of the methods of selection, on educational ideals and aims, and whether the results justify the money and effort invested. The first and the last question can be answered at two points of an individuals history: does he proceed to and obtain a university degree of reasonable merit; does he proceed to and obtain a professional standing in society from which he can contribute his specialist knowledge and ability for the benefit of that society. While a utilitarian approach to this question does not always find favour and is not the only possible approach to the evaluation of education, it provides adequate justification for the investigator who is concerned with the predictive power of descriptions of human behaviour which are used in a quasi-utilitarian context. The prediction of suitability for university education assumes minimally that the student applicant is capable of pursuing a full course of study to its criterion of completion, i.e., a practical and positive end result is anticipated.

Marxism is still the main ideological issue nowadays. The past few decades witnessed a growing interest for scientific research in the Social Sciences and its institutionalization as a legitimate field of academic inquiry in several Western countries. These very decades also witnessed the transformation of Marxism from a sociological and economic theory into the official ideology in several countries and into the prevalent socioeconomic doctrine in certain academic subcultures in Western countries as well. As a result of circumstances over which social scientists have limited or no control, the controversy about Marxism went from theoretical and academic grounds to political and ideological ones. Ironically, this transition took place when the Social Sciences first began to develop instruments and coherent theoretical frameworks capable of settling the dispute on academic terms. Many Western social scientists unconsciously played an important ideological role by taking Marxism as a scientific theory. The scientific analysis of Marxism had negative consequences for Marxism itself. Several specific Marxist predictions, as the ones dealing with increasing misery, the proletarization of the middle classes, the end of social mobility and the growing revolutionary activities as consequences of industrialization under capitalism, all were mercilessly turned down by subsequent historical events and modern Social Science.

Since 1944, there has been a democratic transfer of power in Jamaica within a well established two party system and a peaceful transition from colonial status to independent self government. There are many factors that have contributed to the history of open but limited political competition within the Jamaican political system. Undoubtedly the presence of a common antagonist-the colonial power of Great Britain provided a powerful integrating and limiting force within the polity. However, important changes have occurred in the distribution of economic and political power and in traditional norms and values in the last twenty years. The steady withdrawal of colonial rule has coincided with an intensification of the conflict between Jamaican political elites as more national power devolved from British to Jamaican government. Since the achievement of political independence in 1962, political conflict has been sufficiently amplified so that some observers feel it poses a potential threat to the limited partisanship and democratic exchange of power that has characterized Jamaican political system.

In studying football and other sport-games, one encounters from the start certain semantic difficulties. People often speak of a game of football as if it were something outside of, and apart from, the group of players. It is not entirely incorrect to say that the same game, a game such as football can be played by many different groups. At the same time, the pattern of each individual game is itself a group pattern. In order to play a game, people group themselves in specific ways. As the game runs its course, they continually regroup themselves in a manner similar to ways in which groups of dancers regroup themselves in the course of a dance. The initial configuration from which these players start changes into other configurations of players in a continuous movement. It is to this continuous movement of the configuration of players to which we refer when we use the term game-pattern. The term can be misleading if it makes one forget what one actually observes when watching a game, one observes small groups of living human beings changing their relations in constant interdependence with each other.

The history of sociology is not or should not be analogous to archaeology. It is or it should be an indispensable element in the present practice of sociology and where it is not, the reason is rarely that it is genuinely superfluous. One peculiar feature of sociology, distinguishing it both from the natural sciences and interestingly from economics, is that it is rarely possible to say of it that theory has genuinely moved on, including what was valid in the past as special cases or partial truths in what is acceptable to the present. This feature is only a weakness so long as it goes unrecognized. Two primitive but prevalent, errors are then possible. Either the sociologist uses the theories of the past unconsciously, thereby accepting current and necessarily distorted, interpretations of their methods, concepts and insights or else he consciously rejects them as in principle defunct which unless he is a genius, leaves him impoverished and ill-equipped. Sociologists today still have much to learn in a substantive way, from the works of their ancestors.

The article focuses on marriage and the blood feud in heroic Europe. A stock dilemma found in the heroic literature of early medieval Europe was that of an innocent victim caught between conflicting loyalties. Thus, a wife enmeshed in a struggle or feud between her own family and that of her husband present an especially dramatic and popular example of such a dilemma. By looking at the role of women in the heroic society, it has been observed that the frequent occurrence of such tragic situations in the literature was not simply fortuitous. Rather the women frequently were placed, or chose to place themselves, in a situation which carried a strong likelihood of such a tragedy coming to pass. One of the prominent roles of a woman was, through her marriage that of acting as feud-healer or alliance-binder. This use of marriage either to heal an open blood feud or to create an alliance so as to prevent future feuds was an obvious and sensible policy. But, since the ironic ends of marriage frequently were unrealized, at least in the literature of the day, women became almost sacrificial victims to good but vain intentions. The composition of blood feuds by non-violent means is a major criterion in measuring the transition from a primitive to a more sophisticated society.

Since Robert Merton reprinted his well known essay on "Social Structure and Anomie in Social Theory and Social Structure" a good deal of work has been done both in elaborating the theory and in trying to test it out. A recent volume not only surveys the existing work very competently, but adds some new evidence and a comment by Merton upon what he emphasizes is the developing theory of anomie. In his article Merton refers to some discrepancies between sociologists in their interpretation of the term anomie, and he is wise to do so as a glance through a number of sociological texts will show. R. M. Williams, for instance, quotes the Mertonian cultural goals-structural limitations analysis as one type only of anomie, and refers to cultural apathy with respect to standards of conduct; which seems to imply withdrawal. He also, however, refers to conflict situations in general. Hermann Cohen, using the analogy of a game the rules of which may not be observed, also seems to equate anomie with complete breakdown.

Despite C. Wright Mills' many sociological contributions, his name is specifically identified with political-social analysis, with intellectual orientations and precise commentaries about political developments and their sociological structure. An evaluation of his legacy would thus be, most properly, an assessment of the many ideas he offered as insights to the contemporary political world and, at various times, as stimulation for appropriate political activity. Although he was one of the most popular writers among social scientists, an engagement with Mills formulations is not a simple task. His style, generally so stirring and frequently so productive of insightful observations, induced many presentations that were unclear or incomplete. He seemed uninterested in details, as for instance, of politics, except as illustrations for some major contentions. General assertions were frequently lacking in sufficient concrete illustrations. Facts contrary to his theses were relegated to the irrelevant and insignificant, or admitted and then ignored.

The term model is nowadays used almost indiscriminately by sociologists and anthropologists to dignify any form of analysis or explanation. In a way this is justifiable: for almost all sociological analysis does involve the implicit use of models. But it is also unfortunate for there is then no way to distinguish model-building from other activities; the term becomes over-burdened and its use innecessary. Even when most usages are discarded, at least two acceptable ones remain. According to the first, a model is a set of assumptions which attributes to some relatively unknown or unobservable process a form which is similar to that which is known to operate elsewhere. One of the best known examples of this in physics is Bohr's model of the atom which attributed to it a structure similar to that of the relationship between planet and satellite. A less quoted, but equally significant example is the model of the chemical process of genetic transmission which attributes to it a structure similar to that of linguistic communication-a code.

The article begins with a discussion of the influence of a follower upon a leader. It shows how the leader may become entrammelled in the very source of his legitimacy. It also discusses implications of this approach for an understanding of that most exacting and non-ritualistic form of leadership, sometimes known as democratic leadership. Success in leadership does not merely depend on having certain abilities, nor does it depend only on having any very specific personality characteristics, but also on a third requirement, leaders attitude to his own position. This is not unrelated to personality characteristics but differs in that an individual can perform well in a position that he feels he has a right to, and yet badly in one he feels he has no right to. The difference between these last two is brought out by what may well be considered a cautionary tale. The leader must adjudicate amongst his jealous followers, for it is he who must uphold the authority, which is the basis of his legitimacy.

The article discusses political implications of the modern Greek concept of the self. Political scientists, aware of the significance of social structure and cultural patterns for an understanding of political processes, have attempted to formulate conceptual frameworks and models, which incorporate cultural and sociological phenomena. A requisite for the development of science in the social sciences, as well as in the natural sciences, is that the findings of one discipline should not contradict the findings of any other discipline. Using modern Greece as a case study, an effort is made to show that the view of self which a people holds, by determining an individuals conception of his relationship to the world around him, significantly affects the functioning of a political system. If the interrelationship of the view of self; cultural patterns, social structure and political institutions can be more clearly delineated, then the processes of modernization, political development and democracy may become better understood.

This article is a revision of the article titled "Principia Sociologica," which appeared in the third volume of "The British Journal of Sociology," which discusses theories of sociologist Talcott Parsons. In the pre-Bales era we have the action systems and the pattern variables. There has been some modification of both these sets of concepts. An action is a constituent of three systems: as a physical act it is a constituent of the organic system, as a purposeful piece of behavior it is a constituent of a personality system and if it is directed towards another person or set of persons it is a constituent of a social system. The pattern variables, are concerned with the way we apprehend the objects towards which we act and the way we orient ourselves towards them. An object may be apprehended as a member of a class or in its own right as having something of particular significance to the actor. In addition an object may be appraised for what it is or for what it does.

This essay is an attempt to set up a model, which will perhaps shed light on what goes on in a secondary modern school for boys, of a particular type. Hostility, between teachers and boys, is the key factor at Black School. It is present whenever a teacher deals with boys, but varies in intensity. At one extreme, uncommon but illuminating, it can be almost ferocious, when for example an inexperienced teacher wrestles with a lad for possession of a flick-knife, surrounded by cheering boys. The most common hostility however lies between the mild and the ferocious and is, on the boys' side, almost a guerilla war against the teacher's standards, a ragged, intermittent fight to be oneself by being spontaneous and irrepressible and by breaking rules. It is sometimes claimed that the main job of the secondary modern school is not the teaching of skills so much as the molding of character. Putting delinquency to one side the study looks at this question of character molding. A reason that prevents effective communication between those concerned with the problem of Black School is the lack of a language in which this problem could be usefully discussed. Everyone would agree that what is important about a school is its tone. Therefore what is wrong with Black School is its bad tone.

Sociologist Beatrice and Sidney Webb have suffered in reputation of late from the criticism of social scientists, much like those at the level of sociologist Charles Booth. They have been designated as gatherers or assemblers of facts, for purposes of mere administration, who have lacked the ability to appreciate their significance, or to construct a framework of theory which might give their work meaning, and justification. The sociologists were highly critical of the kind of abstract theorizing which they found to be typical of economics and sociology. Beatrice expressed a strong preference for inductive rather than deductive reasoning, partly perhaps because its use permitted her to maintain contact with the realities, and the emotional satisfactions, of everyday social contacts. When one examines their work at its best, one finds oneself confronted with what is, essentially, a new sociology that follows the tradition of British empiricism. The sociologists, perhaps more than any other social scientists, realized that, if it is true that knowledge gives power, the possession of power adds to ones moral responsibilities.

The article discusses the course of development of American sociology. The period since the end of World War II has clearly witnessed basic changes in American sociology. The recent history of the discipline of sociology in the U.S. has displayed some of these general characteristics. From its beginnings to the present day, sociology has evolved steadily from its policy-oriented roots towards a more strictly scientific emphasis. This evolution, however, has left and is leaving in its trail a number of controversies and disputes which reflect the tensions inherent in growth. Sociology's earliest concern with ways to handle social problems no doubt infused it with an energy that brought it rapidly to the fore as a major subject of research and study in the U.S. towards a more strictly scientific emphasis. This policy-oriented side of the field accounts in part for its relatively faster development in the U.S. than in Europe.

The article presents arguments of the author which hold that individualism need not be psychologistic and defends institutional individualism which he considers philosopher Karl Popper's greatest to the social sciences. The article presents two traditional views, holism and individualism. The author holds that all explanations within the holistic and psychologistic frameworks can be formulated within Popper's institutionalist-individualist methodology situational logic. All serious social thinkers have employed situational logic even though Popper was the first to formulate it. It was held that institutions can be explained as inter-personal means of co-ordination, as attitudes which are accepted conventionally or by agreement. This idea leaves room for the rational principle of institutional reform. It accords with the classical individualistic idea that social phenomena are but the interactions between individuals.

This article presents a study to examine different attitudes toward learning and education between grammar school pupils who come from middle-class, and those who come from working-class homes. The results of the investigation indicate that working-class boys do not have educational aspirations quite so high and do not take their schoolwork quite so seriously as do middle-class boys, even if both groups of boys have equally high intelligence and an equally good school background. These differences are, however, rather small, with the exception of the one which has to do with the age at which the boys want to leave school. There seem to be greater differences between the social class groups regarding matters of education which are not directly related to school. The data indicate that boys who come from working-class homes did not so frequently develop a taste for books and good music, as did boys who come from middle-class homes. The results confirm that working-class children are not as interested in reading as are middle-class children. They also confirm that working-class children are not as willing as are middle-class children to spend the years of their youth in school in order to gain higher prestige and more social rewards as adults.

This article discusses on sociology keeping sociologist Arnold J. Toynbee's book "A Study of History" in mind. The substantive question raised by these ten volumes is not whether "A Study of History" belongs to history or to sociology, but only whether it is good sociology or bad sociology. In this article, however, we address ourselves not to this substantive question but rather to the distinction that provoked Mr. Toynbee's outburst in the first place-the distinction, namely, between history on the one side and the social sciences on the other. The observation that sociology is nomothetic, history idiographic, has numerous corollaries. History, as idiographic, is interested in the unique, the particular, the individual, sociology, as nomothetic, in the recurrent, the general, and the universal. Every single event in time, every unique occurrence, every particular happening can similarly stimulate the inquisitive eye of the historian. He wants to describe it in all its unique individuality and then to relate it chronologically to its predecessors and successors.

Professor C. Levi-Strauss has written of an effort to revive the great French sociological tradition running from Montesquieu to Durkheim as a result of appreciation of and interest in it abroad. The question of the existence of a French tradition or school of anthropology arises at this point. The internationally recognized existence of a British school of social anthropology forgets that the existence of a school in a particular country or city is not an inevitable part of the life of an academic discipline. French academic life is still to a large extent ruled by the old tripartite division between the Facultés de lettres, de droit and de sciences. Broadly speaking, sociology and psychology depend on lettres, economics and political science on droit and anthropology on lettres and sciences. Ethnology, the history of races and societies, has been the predominating discipline in French anthropology and the term ethnologie is still used today for anthropology as a whole though the terms anthropologie culturelle and anthropologie sociale are gradually coming into general usage.

This article analyzes the political organization of small-scale states. The author notes that detailed analysis of political organization in social anthropology has been relatively neglected. Here the history and findings of studies of authority and political structure in stateless societies is discussed. The author notes that often in stateless societies there is a distribution of authority not only among various kinds of kin groups but also among other forms of association. An implied dichotomy between segmentary political systems and states is discussed and assessed.

This article provides a mathematical presentation of the political parties in Israel. The basic proposition of the author is that five major issues presently surface in Israeli political life. Each one of these issues is identified as distinguishing two or more political parties from others. These five issues are detailed, along with associated party alliances. A comparison is given of 15 logically possible cases and the actual political ideologies found in Israel. Observations, critique of this form of analysis, and conclusions are given.

This article examines a sociological theory of economic administration. Talcott Parsons and Neil J. Smelser attempted to prove that economic theory is only a special case of the general theory of social systems. However, they have ignored the most highly formalized branch of economic analysis. They have concentrated on the less abstract area of applied theories which have a bearing, often remotely, on economic policy. The true achievement of the authors is that they showed how much phenomena can be treated as socially determined factors which are well inside the range of sociological theory. Nevertheless, the connection between economic administration and socialization is vague.

This article examines some of the functions of social conflict in the process of social change. Conflict not only generates new norms and institutions, it may be said to be stimulating directly in the economic and technological realm. Conflict within and between bureaucratic structures provides means for avoiding the ossification and ritualism which threatens their form of organization. Although conflict is apparently dysfunctional for highly rationalized systems, it may actually have vital latent functional consequences. However, not all social systems contain a degree of conflict and strain. Nevertheless, it is noticeable that the rigidity of the system and the intensity of conflict within it are not independent of each other.

This article deals with the relationship between sociology and social policy. Social policy is directly concerned with what ought to be done, or at any rate with the choice of what is on some sense the best among possible alternative ways of collective action. If sociology is concerned solely with the collection and analysis of social facts and is concerned with value judgments only as facts and not at all with their validity, the sociologist can be in no position to advise on social policy because he is precluded from regarding any one policy as superior to others, in any sense other than that of fitting harmoniously into an actual social pattern. It is, no doubt, easiest to study the impact of one culture on another where a primitive pattern of living is being sharply disrupted by the impact of external forces. The involvement in social policy is indeed a characteristic of a very wide range of studies which, if denied the title to be called sociology, are beyond doubt social in their content and call for a large amount of fact-finding social investigation as an aid towards the formation of practical judgments about what should be done. Sociology and social policy are intimately bound together and it is well for humanity that this is so. For man, in order to live well, needs knowledge of good and evil as well as of the factually true and false.

This article considers the propositions put forward in The Social System, by Talcott Parsons, which illustrate Parsons' analysis of social dynamics. For Parsons, the social system is a system of action. It is made up of the interactions of individuals. Of special concern to sociology is the fact that such interactions are not random but mediated by common standards of evaluation. Most important among these are moral standards, which may be called norms. Such norms structure action. Because individuals share the same definition of the situation in terms of such norms, their behaviour can be intermeshed to produce a social structure. That sociology should deal with a particular set of problems within the theory of social systems is the position taken by Parsons in his discussion of the division of labour between the social sciences. Here sociology is defined as having to do with the process of institutionalization of normative patterns : that aspect of the theory of social systems which is concerned with the phenomena of institutionalization of patterns of value-orientation in the social system, and of changes in the patterns, with conditions of conformity with and deviance from a set of such patterns, and with motivational processes in so far as they are involved in all of these. Parsons' concern with the normative and his definition of sociology as a discipline exploring the dynamics of the normative, is in one way an attempt, whether intentional or unintentional, to make the status of sociology less ambiguous by making it a special social science. But this confinement, which has a definite conceptual expression, seems to break down, both on a theoretical and an empirical level, when the problems of social stability and change are tackled.

This article presents an understanding and explanation about social sciences. Certain kinds of explanation of human behavior made in non-scientific contexts involve the use by the explainer of concepts which are also possessed by the persons whose behavior is being explained. The social occurrences explained will not have been intended by the members of the society whose actions led up to them, neither will the concepts used in the explanations be immediately intelligible to those agents. Nevertheless, they are not for that reason closely analogous to those natural scientific examples. Human behavior can be classified into: (1) Logical Conduct, which is conduct directed towards the achievement of a definite purpose, and making use of means the efficacy of which has been established by logico-experimental reasoning; and (2) Non-Logical Conduct, comprising all behavior which in one way or another does not measure up to the specifications of Logical Conduct. There is a related confusion in the whole idea of logical action. It is an idea which really makes sense only within the framework of logico-experimental ideas. A series of articles by Professor Michael Oakeshott does much to bring out the connection between the idea of reasonable conduct and modes of social life. But Oakeshott obscures the nature of the latter by drawing an oversharp distinction between conduct which is a self-conscious application of verbally formulated rules and conduct which he calls habitual. He argues that there are fundamental confusions in what he calls the rationalistic conception of rationality, according to which standards of reasonable behavior exist absolutely and are brought in from the outside to regulate our conduct.

The article discusses the nature and origin of values in relation to the study of sociology. One of the motive forces which led to the development of the discipline at the end of the nineteenth century was the desire to improve social conditions. Many of the pioneers were people with moralistic, religious or altruistic sentiments and felt that if they could learn the facts about society, they would know how to guide people and help make the world a better place to live in. The early outstanding representative of the second point of view in the U.S. was sociologist William Graham Sumner, whose concepts of the stability and inviolability of social tradition influenced social thought far outside the ranks of sociologists. According to Sumner, social order is fixed by laws of nature precisely analogous to those of the physical order. Sociology saw itself as an inductive science, gradually accumulating facts and generalizations about man's behavior in group settings. Some sociologists continued to study social problems which were considered sources of human unhappiness, not so much because they had this quality of causing unhappiness but because they represented observable behavior which others expected them to study and teach about. Thus, our first and most important sociological assertion about values is that they are mostly social in origin and that they help to give direction and organization to behavior.

This article discusses the principal subjects of U.S. criminological research and considers whether any significant changes have occurred in the post-war period in its character and direction. The eight main topics of U.S. Criminology have been, with some considerable overlapping between several of them, the following: the role of culture conflict, with special reference to the criminality of foreign immigrants and their children and of Negroes; the ecology of crime and the study of the delinquency area, with particular emphasis on the sociological factors in juvenile delinquency; professional and white-collar crime; sexual crimes; psychological and psychiatric factors in juvenile delinquency; follow-up and prediction studies; the methodology of criminological research; in the field of Penology: prison reform. In U.S. Criminology, theoretical interest has become largely concentrated on sociological and methodological issues rather than on those legal and philosophical aspects dominating the European scene. In a way, this may simply reflect the difference between the legal mind of the European and the sociological training of the American criminologist. Whatever the reasons, the impression remains that, instead of a unified discipline, there are at present in existence several national, or perhaps regional. Criminologies for different parts of the civilized world.