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This paper involves an examination of skilled manual work in the modern paper industry. The data were collected at five mills in three countries -- the UK, Australia and the USA. The questions were formulated in order to probe four theories of skilled work. The results suggest that the distinction between skilled and nonskilled work is a fundamental feature of occupational differentiation in all five plants. They also reveal that there are intra-skilled conflicts over relative pay and demarcation lines and that these are affected by the wider socio-political environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What motivates corporate political action? Are corporations motivated by their own narrow economic self-interest; are they committed to pursuing larger class interests; or are corporations instruments for status groups to pursue their own agendas? Sociologists have been divided over this question for much of the last century. This paper introduces a novel case - that of Australia - and an extensive dataset of over 1,500 corporations and 7,500 directors. The paper attempts to understand the motives of corporate political action by examining patterns of corporate political donations. Using statistical modelling, supported by qualitative evidence, the paper argues that, in the Australian case, corporate political action is largely motivated by the narrow economic self-interest of individual corporations. Firms' interests are, consistent with regulatory environment theory, defined by the nature of government regulation in their industry: those in highly regulated industries (such as banking) and those dependent on government support (such as defence) tend to adopt a strategy of hedging their political support, and make bipartisan donations (to both major parties). In contrast, firms facing hostile regulation (such as timber or mining), and those without strong dependence on state support (such as small companies) tend to adopt a strategy of conservative partisanship, and make conservative-only donations. This paper argues that regulatory environment theory needs to be modified to incorporate greater emphasis on the subjective political judgements of corporations facing hostile regulation: a corporation's adoption of conservative partisanship or hedging is not just a product of the objective regulation they face, but also whether corporate leaders judge such regulation as politically inevitable or something that can be resisted. Such a judgement is highly subjective, introducing a dynamic and unpredictable dimension to corporate political action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organizations far beyond traditional academic institutions have become prolific science producers, with many now providing evidence-based advice for national governments and policy-makers. Neo-institutional sociology explains organizations' growing investment in research activities and research-based policy advice by the all-embracing scientization and the expansion of the educated population, phenomena observable throughout the world. There is, however, considerably less knowledge about how the organizations' increased knowledge production and the supply of science-based policy advice are reflected in national policy-making, including the legislative work of parliaments, and to what extent distinct organizations are deemed authoritative in different countries. In this paper, we examine how different organizations are used as scientific authorities in parliamentary debates over new legislation. Drawing on analyses of 576 parliamentary debates from Australia, Finland, Kenya, and the United Kingdom, we study what organizations are acknowledged as scientific authorities and the relative weight of different organization types in the context of political debates over new legislation. The results reveal that while organizations in general are frequently evoked as scientific authorities in all four countries, there is remarkable variation in the types of organizations considered authoritative in different national contexts. We elaborate these findings by analysing ways in which politicians evaluate organizations as sources of scientific authority. While the same set of evaluative schemas are used in all four countries, each is typically applied to certain types of organization. The results suggest that both the supply of scientific policy advice and political culture shape legislators' rhetorical practices when drawing on organizations' scientific authority., (© 2022 The Authors. The British Journal of Sociology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of London School of Economics and Political Science.)

This paper explores the material turn in sociology and the tools it provides for understanding organizational problems highlighted by the Royal Commission into the 2009 ' Black Saturday' bushfires during which 173 people died in the Australian State of Victoria. Often inspired by Bruno Latour's material-semiotic sociology of associations, organization scholars employing these tools focus on the messy details of organization otherwise overlooked by approaches assuming a macroscopic frame of analysis. In Latour's approach no object is reducible to something else - such as nature, the social, or atoms - it is instead a stabilized set of relations. A Latourian approach allows us to highlight how the Royal Commission and macroscopic models of organizing do unwitting damage to their objects of inquiry by purifying the 'natural' from the 'social'. Performative elements in their schemas are mistaken for descriptive ones. However, a long standing critique of this approach claims that it becomes its own form of reduction, to nothing but relations. Graham Harman, in his object-oriented philosophy develops this critique by showing that a 'relationist' metaphysics cannot properly accommodate the capacity of 'objects' to cause or mediate surprises. Through our case of the Victorian Bushfires Royal Commission, we argue that a purely relational model of objects loosens a productive tension between the structural and ephemeral that drives sociological analysis. By drawing on elements of Harman's ontology of objects we argue that it is necessary for material-semiotic sociology to retain a central place for the emergence of sociological objects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the widely accepted consequences of globalization is the development of individual outlooks, behaviours and feelings that transcend local and national boundaries. This has encouraged a re-assessment of important assumptions about the nature of community, personal attachment and belonging in the face of unprecedented opportunities for culture, identities and politics to shape, and be shaped by, global events and processes. Recently, the upsurge of interest in the concept of cosmopolitanism has provided a promising new framework for understanding the nexus between cosmopolitan dispositions and global interconnectedness across cultural, political and economic realms. Using data from a representative social survey of Australians this paper investigates the negotiation of belonging under the conditions of globalization. The data tap into attitudes and behaviours associated with a broad gamut of cosmopolitan traits in the domains of culture, consumption, human rights, citizenship, and international governance. They show how cosmopolitan outlooks are shaped by social structural factors, and how forms of identification with humanity and the globe are fractured by boundaries of self and others, threats and opportunities, and the value of things global and local. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this era of reflexive sociology it is commonplace that subjectivity is of great sociological concern, and that the comprehension by social researchers of their own subject position is essential. Still, old habits die hard. Focusing on selected texts in the sociology of the Australian family, this paper traces the effects of failing to focus the sociological gaze on subjectivity and its variation across society. Highlighted are some patterns of analytic misconstruction of subjectivity, especially the substitution of measurement for a theory of practice, and the projection by sociologists of their own class-specific subjectivity onto society at large. Ultimately, this misconstruction turns works like those discussed in this paper into a powerful denial of alternative subjectivities, and a reinforcement of the socially dominant perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary expectations of good parenting hold that focused, intensive parental attention is essential to children's development. Parental input is viewed as a key determinant in children's social, psychological and educational outcomes, with the early years particularly crucial. However, increased rates of maternal employment mean that more parents are juggling work and family commitments and have less non-work time available to devote to children. Yet studies find that parental childcare time has increased over recent decades. In this paper, we explore the detail of this trend using data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics ( ABS) Time Use Survey ( TUS), 1992 and 2006. To investigate whether discourses on intensive parenting are reflected in behaviour, we examine a greater range of parent-child activities than has been undertaken to date, looking at trends in active childcare time (disaggregated into talk-based, physical and accompanying care activities); time in childcare as a secondary activity; time spent in the company of children in leisure activities; and time spent in the company of children in total. We also investigate whether the influence of factors known to predict parental time with children (gender, education, employment status and the age of children) have changed over time. We contextualize our analyses within social and economic trends in Australia and find a compositional change in parental time, with more active childcare occurring within less overall time, which suggests more intensive, child-centred parenting. Fathers' parent-child time, particularly in physical care, increased more than mothers' (from a much lower base), and tertiary education no longer predicts significantly higher childcare time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores whether clerical workers have been proletarianized by using the Australian Public Service (APS) as a case study. It shows that before the late 1980s the market, work and status situations of APS clerks were predominantly proletarian since they were typified by limited career prospects, low skill requirements, restricted autonomy; low organizational status and estrangement from senior management. This proletarian class situation was reflected in an order taker's culture of informality, cynicism, hedonism and alienation. Since the late 1980s however technological change and workplace restructuring have markedly reduced the number of unskilled and lower paid jobs in the APS, thereby belying widespread predictions of deskilling. I conclude that proletarianization is more likely to have arisen from a decline in the status of clerical work during the course of the twentieth century rather than from a process of deskilling. Notwithstanding the fact that their class situations were predominantly proletarian, most clerks have identified as middle class. We can attribute this not only to the fact that their class situations differ from those of manual workers, as noted by Lockwood, but also to a widespread tendency to identify as middle class, the tendency of many female clerks to base their class identity on their husband's occupation and the fact that popular stereotypes tend to equate class with occupation. It is difficult to decide if clerks are proletarian since 1. Their class situations display a mixture of proletarian and middle-class characteristics 2. They exhibit diverse class identities, social origins, marriage partners and cultural attributes and 3. They occupy different positions on different aspects of inequality. We are therefore unable to allocate them en bloc to a single uniform class. I conclude that while a minority of clerks are proletarian most are better described as middle class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses several debates surrounding the reproduction of socio-economic inequality: (i) the persistent inequality thesis, which maintains that despite the increases in educational participation socio-economic inequalities in education have not declined; (ii) the related thesis of maximally maintained inequality, which proposes that socio-economic inequalities decline only when participation levels for the most privileged socio-economic group approach saturation levels; (iii) the meritocracy debate on the importance of ability vis-à-vis socio-economic background and changes in its influence over time; and (iv) the effect of policy changes on socio-economic inequalities in education. These issues are addressed using data from six Australian youth cohorts born between 1961 and the mid-1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses how child resistance is lived on a daily basis through the construction and operation of mealtime rules in four Australian families with young children. It focuses on the sociologically neglected situation of everyday parent-child conflict and resistance and posits young children as actively engaged in con testation and negotiation of power relationships within the family. Analysis of domestic dialogue and conflict episodes demonstrates how mealtime rituals function as techniques of discipline through which young children are normalized. Although resistance and con testation occurred in all families, the construction and operation of mealtime rules were also a regulatory mechanism for constituting boys and girls in different ways. Girls were constructed as helping to prepare, serve and clean after meals, while boys were the recipients of this service from their mothers and sisters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines changes in the dimensions and sources of educational inequality in Australia. Data from a sample of the urban population is used, and divided into three education (rather than birth or age) cohorts in order to assess the effects of educational expansion over time. The results show that there has been some decline in the effect of social background on years of basic schooling and total years of education, and some increase in the effects of ability. However, the impact of social background remains important, while gender differences in qualifications and tertiary attainments are mostly undiminished. This suggests that while basic schooling has become more meritocratic with the expansion of educational opportunities, higher attainments still reflect and perpetuate systematic inequalities within the broader society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The school‐to‐work transition is a demanding period during an individual's life course in all societies particularly because the educational decisions made during this period have long‐lasting consequences in multiple life domains. Moreover, adverse starting points after secondary school are likely to lead to adverse outcomes that might cumulate over the life course. This study analyses subjective well‐being during this sensitive period and examines the following two questions. First, how do different school‐to‐work transitions relate to subjective well‐being changes? Second, how does subjective well‐being develop during and after secondary schooling? As the school‐to‐work transition period is structured by gender, each analytical step aims to identify gender differences. Furthermore, based on life course theories, this study investigates whether adverse starting points after secondary school lead to cumulative effects in the development of subjective well‐being. Based on data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) survey and fixed effects regressions, our results reveal that transitions to employment increase subjective well‐being, while transitions to unemployment decrease subjective well‐being. Furthermore, transitions to study increase subjective well‐being only among men, while such transitions appear to decrease subjective well‐being among women. The results related to the development of subjective well‐being indicate that subjective well‐being decreases during secondary schooling and continues to decrease after individuals leave school. This decrease is stronger among men. Finally, our results reveal the negative cumulative effects of adverse starting points on the development of subjective well‐being. Overall, the results reveal great intra‐individual variation in subjective well‐being during the school‐to‐work transition period in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does parental education affect time in the paid workforce and time with children? Potentially, the effects are contradictory. An economic perspective suggests higher education means a pull to the market. Human capital theory predicts that, because higher education improves earning capacity, educated women face higher opportunity costs if they forego wages, so will allocate more time to market work and less to unpaid domestic labour. But education may also exercise a pull to the home. Attitudes to child rearing are subject to strong social norms, and parents with higher levels of education may be particularly receptive to the current social ideal of attentive, sustained and intensive nurturing. Using data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics Time-use Survey 1997, this study offers a snapshot of how these contradictory pulls play out in daily life. It finds that in Australia, households with university-educated parents spend more daily time with children than other households in physical care and in developmental activities. Sex inequality in care time persists, but fathers with university education do contribute more time to care of children, including time alone with them, than other fathers. Mothers with university education allocate more daily time than other mothers to both childcare and to paid work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most familiar theories about politics in Australia, as in Britain, is that the political parties are divided fundamentally on class lines. But the strength and nature of the link between class and party remains both controversial and unclear. This paper brings new evidence to bear by applying powerful multivariate techniques to national sample survey data from Australia, Britain and the USA. We distinguish three separate aspects of class: the categorical distinction between blue- and white-collar workers which informs the standard definition of class in political science; an occupational status aspect which ranks jobs on a continuum running from low to high; and conflict aspects, based on 'ownership of the means of production', on the 'exercise of authority in the workplace', and the cleavage between public and private employees. We show, first, that these quite distract aspects of class have different effects. In Australia occupational status has important effects on income and class self-image but is politically irrelevant. The much maligned blue-collar/white-collar distinction is, indeed, financially irrelevant but, none the less, has appreciable effects on class self-image and political preferences, while the conflict aspects have modest but dear effects on income, class self-image and politics. Whether or not an individual is a public employee is consistently important in all three countries. Second, the impact of class on party is relatively modest, albeit cler. Finally, these patterns are quite similar in Australia, Britain and the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Working broadly within the late-Durkheimian tradition of cultural sociology, the symbolic boundaries of the Australian national community are conceptualized in terms of a typology composed of two dimensions: `friends'/'enemies' and `internal'/'external'. The typology is operationalized, and the specific empirical content of the four cells examined using quantitative data from the Australian National Social Science Survey (1984-85). The paper investigates how emotional attachment to the Australian national community causally effects attitude formation on three national issues; monarchism, aboriginality and multiculturalism. Also, the social determinants behind variation in emotional attachment to orthodox symbolic conceptions of the Australian national community are systematically investigated and measured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hosting mega sport events, especially the Olympics, demands an extensive engagement with global civil society given the voluntary, highly mediated exposure of host cities and nations to the world. The philosophy of Olympism requires ethical authority in demonstrating 'fitness' to host the Games, so demanding intensive strategic image management. Offensive and defensive mobilization of image-dependent 'species of power' in the field of sport (in a Bourdieusian sense) in conducting 'wars of position and movement' (following Gramsci) within global civil society are, then, crucial features of competitive manoeuvres around staging major sport events. The main empirical focus of this article is on the case of the Sydney 2000 ('Millennial') Games, in illustrating the socio-political dynamics of bidding and hosting in the context of a major civil societal matter of concern - Australia's continuing failure to achieve reconciliation with, and equality for, its indigenous peoples. Ironically, though, it was in the domain of human rights that Sydney had an advantage over its closest competitor in the 1993 bidding process - China. The strategies deployed to secure the consent of Australian Aborigines to the Games are addressed in analysing the means by which the Sydney 2000 Games avoided major disruption and international criticism. A second, briefer case analysis is then presented of the disputation concerning Beijing's successful bid for the 2008 Olympics, which saw them influentially described by one (US) political activist as the 'Genocide Games' and the subject of international protests surrounding the Torch Relay. It is concluded that the contrasting levels of public, mediated discord in these two Olympiads in which human rights were key issues related, significantly though not exclusively, to the Chinese authorities' difficulties in 'winning consent' through strategic incorporation of the most conspicuous, non-state oppositional forces within Western-dominated global civil society in its most immediate, unruly, and mediatized form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a recent retreat of multiculturalism in the liberal state. This retreat has occurred both at the level of theory and policy. With the help of some recent liberal critiques of multiculturalism, the first part maps out some short-comings of the notion of minority integration through cultural recognition, particularly with respect to immigrants. The second part discusses a retreat from multiculturalism policies in three states that had been prominently committed to them: Australia, the Netherlands, and Britain. This practical retreat of multiculturalism is due to a variety of factors, their importance differing across cases: the chronic lack of public support for multiculturalism policies; inherent deficits and failures of multiculturalism policies, especially in socio-economic respect; and a new assertiveness of the liberal state to impose liberal principles.

The connection between class and voting choices has been the subject of controversy in recent years. At one time, most scholars regarded class as the primary basis of political alignments in industrial societies, at least in those not sharply divided by religion or ethnicity. In the 1970s, however, researchers in several countries argued that the connection between class and party was now weakening. Several researchers hold that the political significance of class increases in the early stages of industrialization, but declines in advanced industrial societies. Thus, the leading position of social class was characteristic of a particular stage of society that is now passing. Although this view is widely accepted, it has attracted a number of critics, some argue that political alignments have not actually changed very much in recent years, while others stress the diversity of national experiences. A major reason for the continued disagreement is simply the scarcity of evidence. To measure the association between class and party choice precisely, one must have individual-level data, which are not available for most countries until the 1970s.

The article explains the concept of "civilization" in relation to "stolen generations." "Civilization" involves the transformation of human habitus so that violence of all sorts is gradually subjected to greater and more sophisticated forms of management and control, whereas "decivilization' encompasses processes which produce an increase in violence and a breakdown in the stability and consistency of on-going social relations. Genocide and barbarism are concepts we generally associate with particular forms of violence, certain types of behaviour, events such as murder, massacre, torture, rape, mutilation, slavery, systematic beatings, planned and organized starvation or infection. In case of Australia, "stolen generations" of Aboriginal children has a number of important implications for the political and moral debates within Australian politics and society, including the question of collective shame and the relationship of present generations to events in the nation's past. It not only explains the multiple meaning of the concept of "civilization," but also multiple effects of the practices which emerged from its conceptualization.

An examination of the rhetoric surrounding three interdenominational mergers -- in Scotland, Canada and Australia -- reveals that advocates of union typically used organismic images of the Church whereas opponents of union typically used contractual images. The use of these forms of imagery is analysed and explained with reference not only to broader streams of social and political theory but also to the specific cultural inheritances and social situations of the parties involved. Contractual !imagery had special significance in Presbyterianism and it was given a conservative emphasis by opponents of union, in much the same way as Edmund Burke had done with the contractual view of society. Notions contained in organicism provided not only a more Catholic view of the Church but also a putative solution to particular problems which the Churches were facing. Although organizational imagery typically draws on some familiar object or field of experience, the use to which that imagery is put may not be simply a reflection of existing social relationships or cultural inheritances; it may also be part of an attempt to evoke a desired state of affairs, perhaps one which it is believed once existed or one which is considered an appropriate step forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to consider the sources of evidence about people in need in Australia and to see what hypotheses may be deduced from them about the nature and extent of need. In Australia, as in these other affluent and technologically advanced societies, relative to average living standards need is likely to be experienced by old people, by the permanently disabled and the chronically ill, by women who have lost the support of their husbands, by families whose income has been intermittently but persistently interrupted, and by large families on low incomes. Little is known about the standard of living of the permanently incapacitated, particularly those with no property and little income except the pension, and with rent to pay or with particularly difficult problems in caring for themselves. It maybe reasonably accepted that there is a problem of relative poverty in Australia. The most difficult problem is that of ordinary families on low incomes whose present standard of living is too low for them to provide from it for even a minimum standard in the contingencies of the future. The article further provides an appendix regarding a preliminary estimate of the incidence of need in Australia.

In this article, the author attempts to find out factors in the experience of the individual determining the decision to emigrate and in particular what personality and situational differences exist between those who emigrate and in those who do not. There has been the difficulty of identifying emigrants before they leave their home region. This article's purpose is to discuss some of theoretical aspects of the emigration process and to illustrate part of this discussion by presenting some of results of a study on the psycho-social characteristics of a sample of British married skilled manual workers intending to emigrate to Australia between 1954-1955 under the Assisted Passage Scheme. In this article, an attempt has been made to sketch, in outline, one possible kind of framework within which some variables relevant to voluntary emigration can be conveniently analyzed. These variables are disorganization, dislodgement, significant contact, objective opportunity and personality. The typical skilled manual worker who decides to emigrate has moved around more and probably has a wider circle of acquaintances than the non-emigrant. Of special importance is if he more often knows of someone who has migrated to Australia and corresponds with him.

Whether within an atmosphere of hope, or amidst relations of fear, the emotions of cancer are unavoidably collectively produced. Yet persistent individualistic paradigms continue to obscure how the emotions of cancer operate relationally - between bodies, subjects, discourses, and practices - and are intertwined with circulating beliefs, cultural desires, and various forms of normativity. Drawing on interviews with 80 people living with cancer in Australia, this paper illustrates why recognition of the collective enterprise of survivorship - and the collective production of emotion, more generally - is important in light of persistent, culturally dominant conceptions of the individual patient as the primary 'afflicted', 'feeling', and 'treated' subject. Building on previous work on affective relations and moral framings, we posit that the collective affects of survivorship inflect what people living with cancer can, and should, feel. We highlight how such things as hope, resignation, optimism, and dread are 'products' of the collective affects of cancer, with implications for how survivorship is lived, felt, and done., (© London School of Economics and Political Science 2018.)

This paper aims to understand how people who are homeless respond to advanced liberal social services that endeavour to promote their autonomy and responsible actions. We prioritize the experiences and positions of people who are homeless, and what agentic action means to them. Sociological literature is selective about what accounts are deemed agentic. Agency is associated with accounts that resist or subvert dominant neoliberal framings of homelessness as failure of individuals. When people experiencing homelessness or poverty themselves foreground autonomy or responsibility, sociologists treat them as cultural dopes who have internalized neoliberal discourse. Our analysis is driven by an ethnographic study in an Australian homelessness shelter. We demonstrate how people who are homeless neither outright reject nor completely embrace advanced liberal practices to influence their actions and promote autonomy. People engaged in relational reasoning. Paternalist and advanced liberal social services were both lauded and rejected for their capacities and limitations to realize a good life. We contribute to the discussion for sociology to value people's accounts and experiences, rather than broader social process explaining their accounts. From the perspectives of people who are homeless, we show that just because something appears neoliberal does not mean it should be automatically rejected., (© London School of Economics and Political Science 2017.)

Norbert Elias suggested that 'civilization' involves the transformation of human habitus so that violence of all sorts is gradually subjected to greater and more sophisticated forms of management and control, whereas 'decivilization' encompasses processes which produce an increase in violence and a breakdown in the stability and consistency of on-going social relations. What remains unexplored is the extent to which 'civilizing offensives', the self-conscious attempts to bring about 'civilization', have revolved around essentially violent policies and practices. This paper examines the systematic removal of indigenous Australian children from their families, largely for the social engineering purpose of the gradual and systematic annihilation of Aboriginal cultural identity. At the time, these policies and practices were constructed by most observers as contributing to the 'welfare' of Australian Aborigines, and this intersection of welfare and violence raises the possibility that civilization and decivilization, rather than being different processes which may or may not run alongside each other, interpenetrate each other so that, under certain circumstances, societies are 'barbaric' precisely in their movement towards increasing civilization. It may also be possible to describe the move away from the systematic removal of Aboriginal children since the 1970s as itself part of a civilizing process, an increasing recognition of the human rights of Australian Aborigines and of the inhumanity of those policies and practices. The paper concludes by addressing the implications for theories of civilization and decivilization, as well as more generally for our contemporary understanding of what it means to be a 'civilized' modern citizen.