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In a filmography where the narrative is often greatly weakened in favour of a direct representation of time, Alumbramiento is an exception : here the narrative, acting like a veritable explosion engine, by virtue of its force relegates time to its classic status as a measure of movement. While the attachment to a certain cinema of contemplation is always present in the shots that can be described as descriptive, the main thrust of Alumbramiento is an arrow that unstoppably spans the distance between the beginning of the film and its end. Paradoxically, Erice's most narrative film, the one that relies most heavily on the linear and irreversible nature of time, is at the same time the one in which the poetics of circularity, present in the filmmaker's work since his first feature-length film, takes up the most space and achieves its most accomplished expression. Organically integrated into the progression of the action, all the circularities scattered throughout Alumbramiento, starting with that of its structure, are an involutive force that can only unfold within a time that is necessarily progressive. This article sets out to analyse the way in which this tension is constructed, as well as its repercussions on the demarcation - perhaps too simplistic - between linear and circular time, both in terms of film and reality.

The article looks at some social initiatives that promoted participatory democracy in Spain during the first decade of the 21st century. These were rare, but constituted in some way precursors of the movement of Indignados, one of the central demands of which was the increase of citizen participation. After presenting these initiatives (location, years, precise demands, degree of achievement), we focus on the nature of the groups which carried them out. We see that, behind newly created collectives, are organizations that have been operating for a long time in the territory. And we wonder about the reasons which led these traditional actors of the place to formulate innovative demands. We will then see that the deepening of local democracy was not their only motivation. Finally, the text mentions elements which may have contributed not only to the emergence of these mobilizations, but also to their establishment over time.

The Spanish Civil War aroused strong passions in France between partisans and detractors of the Republic. The international propaganda of the uprisings against the republican regime has been studied but, until now, research have been confined to analyzing primarily the role played by the Spaniards. This work aims to analyze the French intellectuals who, through their commitments and their works, contributed to glorifying the Francoist cause. The motivations of the various French actors prove that the Spanish Civil War was not only in Iberian territory but a field of international cultural warfare for the reactionary forces of the 1930s.

Galicia uses to be characterised as a case of an ethnically distinct area where the absence of industrial modernization, emigration and rural clientelism contributed to blocking any chance of social success for ethnonationalism. However, it is suggested here that deep changes which have affected Galician society since the 1960s and 1970s, together with the strong mobilisation campaigns promoted by newly-born left-wing nationalist groups during the 1970s and first 1980s, alongside the peculiar mixture of ideological radicalism and ever increasing pragmatism shown by the nationalist leadership, has made it possible for Galician radical left-wing nationalists to settle the basis for their later growth. The internal dynamics of the nationalist movement and its strategic adaptation to changing circumstances have contributed to breaking its isolation, although levels of national consciousness and the articulation of civil society still remain behind other European stateless nations, such as Scotland or Catalonia.

The four decades of self-government in Galicia (1980-2020) have been a success. The size of its economy has doubled, and per capita income has grown remarkably, thanks to profound structural change, with persistent reduction of the agricultural weight accompanied by high productivity gains. In this period, Spain became democratized, decentralized, entered the European Union and built a comparable welfare state. In summary, the changes have favored the progress of Galicia and a more positive insertion in the Spanish economy. European funds have facilitated development and companies have been able to adapt to a more internationalized environment. The infrastructures have improved. Difficulties persist: regressive demographics, the abandonment of fertile agricultural land or the difficulty in attracting foreign investment. And challenges derived from digitization, the energy transition or globalization. But self-government will allow us to channel our energies better.

The article deals with the evolution of Galicia in the 20th century until the years of autonomy, analyzing the economic and social changes in a connected way, with the evolution of political consciousness and the creation of a national identity. The modernization of Galicia had its main pillars in the maritime industries and in the specialization of its agriculture by small owners. The massive emigration to America, then to Europe and to the most industrialized regions of Spain, was another essential pillar. And to all this was added the mutation of cultural regionalism into political nationalism, reaching its maturity during the Second Republic. On those bases and after a « long night of stone » during the Franco dictatorship, autonomous Galicia was built, as one of the three « historical nationalities », with Catalonia and the Basque Country, within the State of Autonomies designed by the Constitution of 1978.

The last forty years have meant for Galicia the culmination of a set of profound transformations in its territorial organization and in its economy. In order to know the magnitude of the changes, we start with the characterization of the old agrarian complex, of the dominant peasant society in the region until the 1960s. The crisis of this traditional world, the rural exodus and the growth of the cities. A growth of cities that is part of a logic of generalized urbanization, which privileges densified coastal areas and marginalizes the rural regions of the interior. The dynamics of profound change in the patterns of occupation of the territory are the result of a complete transformation in its economic structure. An intense and belated industrialization process takes place, but above all the service sector grows and the productive base diversifies. The evolution followed by Galicia in the last forty years illustrates the accelerated changes that have occurred throughout Spain after the beginning of the democratic period.

My aim in this paper is to analyze the Spanish federalist debate in the 19th century considering the lessons of nationalism studies. I thus insist on the importance of seeing the modernization political projects of that century as different and rivals’ versions of Spanish nationalism. My case study here is that of Galicia during the Sexenio Revolucionario (1868-1874). Its interest and specificity lie in the presence of two opposing federalist discourses: the majority one, which is fundamentally a Spanish nationalist discourse, and the minority one, which seems to endorse the values and representations of early galeguismo. The analysis shows that in both cases the idea of nation is fundamental in the way they think about federalism.

Galicia is an old European cultural nation. It is also a Spanish Autonomous Community, endowed with self-government since 1981, which joined the European Communities in 1986, becoming a NUTS II. It has been an important beneficiary of European structural funds that have helped it to converge in GDP with the Spanish and European Union averages. At the same time, it has developed an outstanding foreign action with the North of Portugal that has been taking shape in the configuration of an Euroregion.

This article presents an analysis of the recent evolution of the Galician population, focusing both on aspects relating to its structure by sex and age, as well as its population dynamics. The period covered is between 1950 and 2020. Special attention is paid to the phenomenon of demographic ageing and also to the contribution of natural growth and migratory movements to population dynamics. Finally, a reflection is presented on the recent population policies implemented by the Galician government to address the demographic situation.

The emigration of Galician women remained invisible in the history of migration, especially during Francoism. And yet they did emigrate. Against all odds according to the ideology that the regime imposed upon women, they often emigrated alone. This article traces the migration path of four Galician women from the province of Lugo, between 1940 and 1960, from the pioneer who wanted to emigrate as a child to the youngest who felt it as being forced to do so twenty years later. We try to recover fragments of their invisible journeys from the fragments of the memory they have kept of the trip that led them from Fruxil (Lugo) to Manresa (Barcelona), where they have been working, where they built their families and spent the rest of their lives. The emigration network (re)established by the pioneers plays a key role in the successfulness of their migration, but the singularity of each vital experience will be highlighted as a unique experience of migration in which they are the main actors. Based on four real migrant women, in this case Galician women, the aim of this work is to restore the reality of the migratory experience of thousands of women who participated in the internal migrations under Francoism, one of the most important migratory movements of the 20th century.

This modest attempt at ego-history traces the journey of a student of Hispanic Studies who gradually became a historian of contemporary Spain as he researched Andalusian anarchism and the beginnings of the workers’ movement in Galicia. It is also an opportunity to present an overview of the work carried out on this second subject by other researchers, almost all of them Galicians.

María Ruido has become one of the most recognized video artists and filmmakers (in a broad sense of the word) of the contemporary Spanish scene. Her films question power relations, with a viewpoint shaped by her marxist and feminist theoretical bases. The aim of this work is to show how decisive has been the context in which the director was formed: that of Galicia during the late Franco regime, the transition and the entry into democracy. The circumstances and events related to these periods are questioned in her documentaries La memoria interior (2002) and Plan Rosebud (2006-2008), to which we will devote special attention in the following pages, as well as in her latest project, Las reglas del juego (2022).

With the approval of the 1980 Statute of Autonomy, Galicia began the process of building its own autonomous political system. The aim of this paper is to analyse the evolution of the Galician party system by identifying the different stages, the functioning of the competition between parties, the relationship between the political strategies of these parties and the formation of the preferences of the voters. In this analytical journey, we point out five periods that correspond to electoral cycles of vote dispersion and concentration, depending on the dynamics of political competition and the governments that result from them. What the evolution of the Galician party system shows is the definition of certain original characteristics that provide stability to the functioning of competition within the system.

At the beginning of the eighties, shipbuilding in Galicia was in a deep crisis that had begun in the second half of the previous decade as a consequence of the oil crisis of the years 1973-74. This paper deals with the general features that have characterized the transformation process of the naval industry and its social impact in order to face the negative effects and the structural problems that had been dragging on since the seventies. Conditioned by the unstable political context of the Transition with the consolidation of democracy and by the subsequent adaptation to the legal and economic framework of the European Economic Community, the sector would be immersed in a profound restructuring until the end of the 20th century. The changes in the ownership of the shipyards and in their productive orientation, as well as the negative consequences for the employment it had traditionally generated, would give rise to the intense socio-labor conflict that was going to be constant during the transformation process of the naval sector, which would reach some stability at the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century.

This article reviews twenty years of research on Galicia. This research has evolved since after a thesis on identity and media, I focused more specifically on the notion of identity by exploring the theme of landscape then that of Iberism. This article will therefore take stock of the main conclusions put forward during this research.

This article questions the presence of historical material in the scenic creation of Galicia in the 21st century. It first offers a quick study of this relationship to the past in the Galician theater of previous centuries. The central part is devoted to the representation of the period 1931-1975 (Second Republic, Civil War and Franco’s dictatorship) since 2001 and to the question of memory in the present time. Finally, the contribution makes an analysis of the shows on previous or later historical facts of the central period (1931-75).