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The article discusses the importance of struggles of migrant and other precarious workers to fightbacks against austerity and neoliberalism in Canada. Topics discussed include the role of small activist groups throughout history in larger movements, lessons from past struggles and challenges to the status quo emerging from within some unions.

The article presents information on the women's movement as a part of Waffle, a radical youth movement within the Canadian National Democratic Party (NDP), which began in 1969. From the beginning there was a commitment by both men and women in the Waffle to putting the idea of gender equality into action. It reports that a large part of their focus was trying to change NDP policy on women, as well as changing the party structures that up until then had excluded women from power.

The article discusses the notion of media reform as a top priority for progressive politics and democratic renewal in Canada. Media both reflect power, but also exert power, in interaction with other social institutions. Media can influence the trajectories of social movements, their emergence, consolidation and success or failure. Beyond the fate of social movements, media can help influence public opinion.

The article reports on the situation of Canadian cities. Movies and television programs regularly invoke imagery of big cities as sites of pleasure and prestige, a mecca of entrepreneurial opportunity, individual prosperity and rampant consumerism. Underneath the glitz and glam, cities are not sexy. For many people in Canada, cities are a place of work, survival, poverty, homelessness, police brutality, discrimination and resistance. As the gap between rich and poor continues to grow at an unprecedented rate, the city is increasingly segregated into factions of affluent and destitute. Entrenched by the dismantling of the welfare state, individuals who are poverty-stricken face the harsh reality that governments are no longer willing to offer protection from the social failures of the free market.

This article studies the affects of periodic booms and busts of capitalism in Canadian mining towns. Since the 1980s, mining towns, especially hard-rock mining towns, have been subjected to a new and more fundamental crisis: a long-term, absolute decline in mining employment. The declining social and economic condition of mining towns is not a priority for the federal government— apart, that is, from acting as booster and promoter of mining towns as sites for resource exploitation, a role encouraged specially by Natural Resources Canada.

The article focuses on progress made by the journal "Canadian Dimension (CD)," during 1960s. It was established just before the dawn of what the world came to know as "the Sixties," a period that actually spanned the decade 1965 to 1975. The radical ideas and the movements that first emerged in these momentous years set an agenda that has been with us ever since. Liberation movement in Quebec Province brought society face to face with English-Canadian chauvinism. The Aboriginal movement made us aware of the centrality of the internal colonialism that continues to mark Canada's political economy. CD has always resided on the verge of insolvency— never more so than over the past decade, when a diminished subscriber base and faltering donations in the context of historical defeats and retreats brought us ever closer to calling it endgame.

The article focuses on media democratization and reform and elaborates on the rise of anglo-Canadian media activism in Canada. Topics discussed include emergence of media democratization as a distinct contemporary form of activism during the 1990s; other priorities of anglo-Canadian social movements including the Vietnam war, poverty and economic Americanization; and the non-profit advocacy organization OpenMedia.ca that encourage open communication systems within Canada.

The article looks on the challenges and opportunities of university-based activism in Canada including the high rate of turnover and transition. It outlines the benefits of activism for students including the connections with communities, political works and to people with different skills and experiences as well as holistic understandings and reminds of social struggles. It features the role of public interest research groups (PIRGs) in leading campuses to proper movements.

The article reports on the crisis of missing and murdered indigenous women and the social movement in response to it in Canada. The interconnections between gender violence and colonialism have given rise to the social movement. The federal government has sought to expand police infrastructure to deal with the crisis. The solutions developed by the Canadian state are said to have expanded a set of colonial social relations that contribute to violence against such women.

The article focuses on indigenous people who are making a difference in Canada. Wallace James Awasis of the Thundercloud First Nation in Saskatchewan formed the Arrows to Freedom Drum and Dance Society. The society promotes cultural awareness and alcohol and drug treatment programs. Dan and Mary Lou Smoke, from Ontario are original members of the Canadian Indian Movement and are engaged in community work serving as volunteers to countless organizations and community initiatives.

Queer Pride organizing in Toronto has undergone a radical transformation. Pride organizers have stepped up marketing efforts this year by launching a cross-border advertising campaign to attract more American tourists to Toronto. The evolution of Pride Toronto from a venue for lesbian and gay social movement politics to a marketing tool and tourist spectacle does not simply reflect the decisions made by organizers, but symbolizes much broader dynamics of the commodification of diversity in Toronto.

Today, Quebec Province is clearly a nation with a distinct language and institutions, a common culture and a sense of belonging, although the Canadian constitution and government systematically endeavour to deny this reality. For four decades the independentist movement contributed to advancing the national question in Quebec. But the Parti Québécois (PQ) no longer maintains its hegemony over the movement, and one has to acknowledge the failure of that party's strategy. During its first term in office, from 1976 to 1981, the PQ government, which prided itself on having a favourable attitude toward labour, brought about several social reforms, some with a progressive appearance. In the period from the end of the 1970s to the beginning of the eighties, a Left had emerged which broke with the PQ. 1997 marked a new beginning in the history of the Quebec Left. Different elements of the progressive and sovereignist Left set in motion a process of unification under the umbrella of the Rassemblement pour une Alternative Politique (RAP).

Focuses on the anti-globalization movement in Calgary, Alberta. Weakness in the strategic orientation of the movement; Definition of victory in terms of momentum building and de-legitimation of corporate rule; Process of developing a radical critique of the system.

Focuses on the status of social movements in Quebec. Contribution of neoliberalism in enriching the ruling class, splitting the middle class and dividing the working classes; Resistance of trade union leadership to any significant change; Difficulties of social movements to translate its strengths into political terms.

Presents three perspectives of the debate about the relationship between the labor movement, social movement and the National Democratic Party of Canada. Items of oversimplification.

Discusses how 45 women from 25 countries met in Toronto in September to form the Commonwealth Women's Network. The results and challenges arising from the Reclaiming the Commonwealth for Women Conference; Origins of the conference; Organizations participating; The issues of violence against women, support for aboriginal peoples, and a new social order; The theme of feminism; Outlook for building an international, nongovernmental network for women.

The author reflects on the need for socialists and activists across the social movement Left in Canada to publicly challenge the basic assumptions of neoliberal globalization. He explains that right-wing populist movements have sprung up in Europe and are on the rise in the U.S. and that they are challenging the structure and policies of neoliberal globalization. He avers that socialists must fight the trade agreements that the second Trudeau government is crafting with China and India.

The article focuses on issues related to youth and student climate and environmental groups in Canada. It highlights the 2009 Copenhagen climate change talks as well as the Fossil Free divestment movement, which was exploded in the U.S. It reveals that about 20 campuses in the country have taken up the call and are working in divesting their campus endowments from the fossil industry.

The article offers information on the Idle No More movement in Canada. It mentions that the movement is popular to Canadians since it exposes the political problems of the country. Some of the activities done by the group include protests, rallies and hunger strikes. According to the author, the group aims to promote the rights and welfare of indigenous people.

This section offers news briefs related to leftist movements in Canada as of March 2013. Activists have launched pickets and boycotts against the home carbonation products launched by home products firm SodaStream. The Idle No More movement calls people to support the revolution to honor Indigenous independence. The National Farmers Union expresses its support for the Idle No More movement.

The article focuses on the RebELLES movement organized by feminists in Canada. It states that the RebELLEs movement mobilizes and brings together feminists from Canada to build on the plurality of their cultural identities, contexts of life, and political trends. It also focuses on the 2008 RebELLEs gathering that has a prime objective to share and deepen the analysis on the current fundamentalist ideology and policy, in order to develop strategies to fight back.

A group of students and community members in Halifax, Nova Scotia took Lockheed at its word, before the invasion of Iraq they pushed the accepted boundaries of protest and occupied Lockheed's office in an action of non-violent civil disobedience. On February 6, 2004 six occupiers, who took up their own defense, were found guilty of 'mischief' in a Dartmouth, Nova Scotia Court. However the judge, who seemed sympathetic to the cause, ordered an "absolute discharge" — meaning the activists will receive no punishment for one of the most important and under-reported actions of the anti-war movement.

Focuses on the state of the social movement in Canada. Emphasis of the Quebec City political protests on private ownership of the economy; Implication of the protest for the anti-globalization movement; Strategy of social-movement groups to challenge the agenda of global capital.

Deals with the Left's efforts to form a structured anti-capitalist movement in Canada. Universalism of capitalism; Problem with the Left's response to capitalism's failures; Uncertainty within the Left as a whole about what to do; Series of regional movements.

Reports on the holding in Canada of the seminar entitled 'Rebuilding the Left.' Need to convert the energies of protest into the politics of social transformation; Rationale of defining the leftist movement as anti-capitalist; Characteristics of the left's 'structured movement.'

The article focuses on the efforts made by the Canadian government to save native rights. Native rights-based strategic frameworks supported by labour, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and other social movements have become popular in Canada. Indigenous activists are making efforts to blockade unwanted fracking projects in New Brunswick, and to obstruct construction of the Keystone XL pipeline and to blockade gas and tar sands pipelines in British Columbia.

The article discusses issues related to the federal election in Canada, which raises strategic questions for activists in unions and social movements. It notes that the Peoples' Social Forum concluded its three days of discussion with a call to work together to defeat the Conservatives, as well as conservatism and neoliberalism, to rebuild a healthy democracy. A group of activists in Quebec is beginning to move with the aim of working together with the left in the rest of the country.

The author reflects on strategy of left politics in Canada, especially in Québec. Topics include need to choose a new leader by the political party Parti Québécois (PQ) in order to maintain its nationalist legitimacy, status of the political party New Democratic Party all across Canada, and chances for the comeback of Quebec Liberal Party in the upcoming federal election. He states that Quebec's social struggle can help labor and social movements in Canada to bring social change.

Comments on an article by Sam Gindin about the need to build a social movement in Canada. Target of corporations; What should be the attitude of the Left toward small businesses; Views on the Council of Canadians.

The article profiles Henry Morgentaler, a Canadian physician and pro-choice advocate. He is considered a fighter and a hero when it comes to issues related to family planning, legal abortions, and women's movement. Morgentaler is a socialist and educator as well as he survived assaults, loss of medical license, and a prison term.

In this article the author discusses how the sovereignty in Quebec can bring social changes in Canada. According to the author, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper's government's recent attacks on employment insurance had an adverse impact on Quebec, resulting in a revival of sovereignity. The author observes that Quebec's right to self-determination by social movements may also encourage people in the rest of Canada to step up their fight for social justice.

The article reflects on the efforts of the staff of "Canadian Dimension" magazine to promote the movements and efforts of leftists in Canada. It mentions that the publication has depicted the changes and fundamental continuities in leftists' perspectives on international and local politics. According to the author, such effort is important to promote social change and justice.

The article presents information on the Powershift 2012, a convergence of Canadian youth who are involved in "an environmental and climate justice movement that can transform the society." The 2012 event was organized during October 26-29 in Ottawa and Gatineau, and focused on topics like "Energy Workers' Vision for a Just and Sustainable Future," "Migration and Climate Justice," and "Mobilizing Faith-Based Communities to Action."

The article looks into the violent incidents involving indigenous women in Canada which reflect the failure of political leadership in addressing violence against these women. It provides an overview of the proportion of indigenous women murdered since the 1990s, which include Mary Jane Serloin, Eva Taysup, and Calinda Waterhen. It also notes the country's indigenous-centered anti-violence initiatives and the actions taken to promote anti-violence movements and women's rights.

The article presents the author's view on the study "Finding Their Way: Second Round Report of the CAW Worker Adjustment Tracking Project" by Sam Vrankulj which was released by the Canadian Auto Workers Union (CAW) in 2012. He looks into the findings of the study that shows the adjustment process of laid-off workers and the experiences of these workers which reflect the state of most working-class people. He also argues for the need to build a socialist movement and orientation for workers.

The article focuses on the labor unions which deal with their problems in Canada. It states the provincial Liberals are working to impose a public sector wage freeze. It states that the private sector unions address wage stagnation, the growth of precarious work, and job losses in the manufacturing sector. Further it states that radical projects working outside formal union structures include both union and social movement activists.

The article offers information regarding RebELLEs movement against capitalism and colonialism in Canada. It states that RebELLEs movement is a diverse and feisty new pan Canadian feminist network and young women fighting for their rights. It states that the women certainly need feminism as they are still being oppressed and exploited and faces obscene amounts of violence.

The article offers information on the organization Anti-Capitalist Convergence (CLAC) and its rebirth in Canada. It states that CLAC criticizes capitalist policies and inspires activists. The organization affected the leftists in Québec and Montréal by organizing activities against globalization and Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA). It consists of about 15 different groups and collectives.

The article offers the author's opinion on political correctness in social issues like racism in Canada. He believes that over simplified administration of political leaders is responsible for such social problems. He says that the policy of several white activists accepting a person of a color is a safe way in society rather than steer racism. He states that unless one moves beyond political correctness as a safer way for combating racism, the convergence of struggles will never take place.

The article focuses on the emergence of social media in Canada. It discusses the potential role of social media in galvanizing social and political movements. It cites the emergence of social media vehicles in Canada, such as ceasefire.ca and RightOnCanada.ca. It also mentions the role of MoveOn.org, one of the best known social media vehicles, in revolutionizing progressive politics in the U.S.

This article presents statement of Murray Dobbin in the on-line Direct Democracy Movement. He says that a large portion of Canada's economic and political elite is rushing headlong in favor of being assimilated by the U.S., and the rest of the country is rushing headlong away from the U.S. and its imperial president. At no time in the last 50 years has Canada's elite been so openly contemptuous of their own country.

There are signs of a labour movement that is floundering in Canada. Numerically unions are holding their own, but they remain unable to make significant inroads into most parts of the service sector. In response to cutbacks in their traditional industries most of the major private-sector unions are transforming themselves into "general workers unions" representing workers in many sectors and, increasingly, the public sector. Today steelworkers representing university workers, autoworkers representing nursing-home workers and the IWA trying to organize hospital workers in British Columbia. Supporters of this development argue that workers should have a choice and that the traditional unions in these sectors must have not have been meeting the needs of the workers if they are choosing to be represented by new entrants. But it is not sufficient to criticize union leaders and activists who experiment with these new relationship models. Instead it is important to recognize that the failure of the labour movement to bring some coherence to our collective bargaining structures will undermine our bargaining strength.

The labor movement always reserves the right to speak out on human rights issues, in Canada and internationally. However most unionists would rather support Cuban workers than pronounce judgment on the Cuban government's policies and practices. Every year many Canadian trade unionists visit Cuba. Some go as part of official union exchanges. Others attend conferences and conventions. Some go as part of customized trade union tours. Many more visit Cuba as tourists. Increasingly Canadian unions are inviting their Cuban counterparts to attend meetings, educations and conferences in Canada. However the differences between the economic and political cultures of Canada and Cuba require unions to play very different roles within their respective societies.

Comments on Sam Gindin's proposal for building a structured movement against capitalism in Canada. Need for the movement to be extra-parliamentary in focus; Activism roots of movement; Goal of advancing anti-capitalist activism, politics and organization; Creation of an activist network in Toronto, Ontario.

Clarifies journalist Sam Gindin's proposal for a structured movement against capitalism among activists in Canada. Building of a culture of resistance and transformation; Dissatisfaction with concessions gained through social democracy.

Talks about the growing movement of groups and political alliances opposing Native rights and land claim negotiations in British Columbia and beyond. Alleged vision of the Canadian Foundation for Individual Rights and Equality (FIRE); Anti-Indian movement cloaked in populist rhetoric; Claim of non-partisan status by anti-democratic movements; `Apartheid' metaphor favored by FIRE.