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In this paper, I recount the circumstances which have caused me to question deeply my own complicity in Eurocentric education, which is really all we have to offer our Aboriginal students. Coming from my position as a white, female, middle-aged university professor with a history of school teaching and school counselling, I outline the concerns I have with both schools and faculties of education, fearing personal complicity in cultural genocide. In particular, I am concerned with three things: one, how we frame and name our own racism -- to come to feel comfortable talking about our own biases and prejudicial thoughts, actions, and attitudes-as a necessary first step to action; two, how we disadvantage Aboriginal students in our universities, for whom success may require some form of personal "amputation," and three, how we, as teacher educators, can begin to model, through our own culturally sensitive actions and through our teaching, ways of becoming culturally sensitive classroom teachers. While I do not provide answers to the thorny question of "what to do," I do hold out hope that working in arrangements of mutual respect with those of another culture can lead us to idiosyncratic and powerful models of change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that Canadian immigration law, policy, and practice have historically excluded, race and disability, on a number of grounds, and that there is a common link between them, which is the perception of immigrants' inability to adapt and integrate into a Canadian identity. The paper conducts a historical analysis of the Canadian immigration framework situated at the intersection of identities based on race and disability, which we link through Critical Race Theory analysis; and class, which is shown through the "excessive demand" standard, the origins of which we trace in relation to the commodification of immigrants based on their economic value. This paper shows how the marking of immigrant ethnic groups as medically inadmissible--currently by imposing an "excessive demand" test on health care or social services as a class-based admission criterion--both has historical grounding in turn of the century exclusionary logic of racism and ableism, and defies equality standards in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. When we apply "interest convergence," we see how the limits to Canadian generosity or liberal tolerance are implied in current immigration restrictions. This application shows that even reforms that have now distanced immigration law from having prohibited classes and therefore do not explicitly mention race, disability or disease have only benefited disabled racialized immigrants when those reforms also aligned with the economic interests of the state. We draw upon historical exclusionary laws based on race and disability, that defined race as a disability, and more recent case law based on disability and class, regarding the denial of immigration status to persons with disabilities unless families volunteered to cover costs of care and policies surrounding immigration inspection, to show a continuing pattern of systemic exclusion. According to this pattern, ethnic groups confronting Canadian borders were read alongside and through their diagnoses of disease and disability as undesirable and unassimilable. This now confronts those with disabilities who are considered economically undesirable. The current challenge is therefore to recognize these historical, ableist (discrimination against disability) patterns, and to create policies and laws that are not based on such exclusionary understandings of difference but that instead continue to transform our definition of citizenship and identity in equitable and inclusive ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes a small-scale photovoice study examining the financial literacy of older immigrants in Canada. Older immigrants experience multiple forms of financial exclusion rooted in the intersections between age, race, gender, immigration, and labour history. While the existing literature notes how immigrants are more likely to be unbanked because of structural barriers such as inaccessible services and language barriers, few studies have explored how older immigrants discuss their experiences and financial conditions. Using a photovoice methodology, this paper explores the experiences of financial literacy among older immigrants in Calgary, Alberta through in-depth interviews and photographs taken by participants. We discuss the lived experiences and financial realities among older immigrants, how they perceive challenges to financial literacy as well as coping strategies. Themes focus on the ways in which histories of immigration and labour impact their financial security in later life. Photographs generated offer service providers and policy makers opportunities to think about and engage in interventions that better tackle issues of financial insecurity and inequality among older immigrants. Cet article décrit une étude à petite échelle des images parlantes examinant la littératie financière des immigrants aînés au Canada. Les immigrants aînés subissent de multiples formes d'exclusion financière enracinées dans les croisements entre l'âge, la race, l'immigration et les antécédents professionnels. Alors que la littérature existante démontre également comment les immigrants sont plus susceptibles d'être dispersés en raison de nombreux obstacles structurels tels que des services inaccessibles et des barrières linguistiques, peu d'études ont exploré comment les immigrants discutent de leurs expériences et de leurs conditions financières. À l'aide d'une méthodologie fondée sur des images parlantes, cet article explore les expériences de littératie financière chez les immigrants aînés de Calgary, en Alberta, au moyen d'entrevues approfondies et de photographies prises par les participants. Nous parlons des expériences vécues et des réalités financières des immigrants aînés, de la façon dont ils perçoivent les défis à la littératie financière ainsi que des stratégies d'adaptation. Les thèmes se concentrent sur la façon dont les histoires d'immigration et de travail ont un impact sur leur sécurité financière plus tard dans la vie. Les photographies pourvues offrent aux prestataires de services la possibilité de réfléchir et de s'engager dans des interventions qui abordent mieux les problèmes d'insécurité financière et d'inégalité parmi les immigrants aînés. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key component of the Conservative Party of Canada's (CPC) electoral strategy in 2011, 2015 and 2019 was to court the country's "ethnic vote". Under the leadership of Stephen Harper and Andrew Scheer, the CPC launched an aggressive outreach strategy aimed at attracting conservative ethnic populations while at the same time, continuing to appeal to the party's "old stock" base – referred to as the "populist paradox". This approach was particularly prominent in the Party's immigration and citizenship policy platform. While the CPC continuously rolled out reforms further restricting access to incoming immigrants and refugees, they framed these initiatives as a way to keep disingenuous immigrants out in order to protect the integrity of the Canadian immigration system, a system used appropriately by those immigrants from whom they were seeking support. Using Sara Ahmed's work on affect and happiness, this paper examines the CPC's construction of "good" and "bad" immigrants, specifically how these constructions are taken up in broader narratives of Canadian citizenship and belonging. In doing so, I address how the CPC uses this rhetoric to appeal to voters, both immigrant and non-immigrant alike. Un élément clé de la stratégie électorale du Parti conservateur du Canada (PCC) en 2011, 2015 et 2019 était de convoiter le ''vote ethnique'' dans le pays. Sous la direction de Stephen Harper et Andrew Scheer, le PCC a lancé une stratégie de sensibilisation agressive visant à attirer des populations ethniques conservatrices tout en continuant de faire appel à la base du ''vieux stock'' du parti – appelée ''paradoxe populiste''. Cette approche était particulièrement importante dans la plate-forme de la politique d'immigration et de citoyenneté du Parti. Bien que le PCC ait continuellement déployé des réformes restreignant davantage l'entrée aux immigrants et aux réfugiés, il a présenté ces initiatives comme un moyen de garder les immigrants de moralité douteuse à l'écart afin de protéger l'intégrité du système d'immigration canadien, un système utilisé de manière appropriée par ces mêmes immigrants auprès de qui ils cherchaient du soutien. Utilisant les travaux de Sara Ahmed sur l'insouciance et le bonheur, cet article examine la construction par le PCC des notions de ''bons'' et ''mauvais'' immigrants, en particulier comment ces constructions sont reprises de façon plus large dans des récits de la citoyenneté et de l'appartenance canadiennes. En somme, j'explique comment le PCC utilise cette rhétorique pour séduire les électeurs, immigrants et non-immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious groups and churches have always played, and continue to play, vital roles in the settlement and integration of newcomers to Canada. In the 1980s, several not-for-profit agencies emerged with Catholic and Mennonite roots to respond to the arrival of thousands of refugees to the province from Southeast Asia and Central America. Today, these agencies are particularly interesting as they both challenge prevailing views on secularization and the provision of public services, and play an exceptionally active role in providing services to newcomers. This paper explores the interplay between the prevalence of a liberal secular ideology in Canada and the shifting identities of faith-based organizations in Alberta. Based on archival research and interviews, this paper demonstrates that it is the shifting and, often conflicting, views of staff and volunteers that have contributed to the secularization of identities in most of these agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the employment experiences of racialized social workers, many of whom were immigrants, in Ontario in recent years. This article has four central objectives. First, to provide an overview of the perceptions of racialized social workers regarding the ways they are perceived and treated by supervisors, co-workers, other professionals, as well as clients and the effect that such views and treatment has on them. Second, the perceptions of racialized workers regarding the ghettoization, marginalization and disempowerment they may experience in the workplace. Third, to explain three strategies they use in managing power relations within the workplace (i.e., conformity, collaboration, and conflict). Fourth, to provide some suggestions on what must be done to improve the perceptions and treatment of racialized social workers by supervisors, co-workers, other professionals and clients. The major findings are that negotiating power relations is a complex process and includes experiences of tensions and awkward silences due to the sensitivity of the topic of race. The paper concludes that in moving forward constructively it is imperative to engage in difficult but crucial conversations that can contribute to the identification of ways to address tensions and awkward silences on matters of race in the context of social work, as well as in other contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nepali-Canadian Living Standards Survey is collaborative research that assesses the economic and social incorporation of newly immigrated Nepalese into Canada. The study is based on survey interviews with sixty-two Nepali households in the Greater Toronto Area, conducted between November 2015 and April 2016. In this paper, we show that those who have immigrated from Nepal since 2012 are still struggling to find work commensurate with their expectations and their overall high human capital. The persistence of single income families, and a lack of female participation in the labour force, appear to be factors in this struggle. Those who have migrated earlier, however, report that they are more firmly anchored, both economically and socially, in the Canadian middle class, even though they continue to lag behind the native-born population. Both groups reported a high degree of investment in their children's education. The study suggests that policy makers find resources for retraining current immigrants who are attempting to secure better employment, including provisions for early childcare. Finally, Nepali-Canadian voluntary organizations are encouraged to pursue these same goals, both with levels of government and with each other. Le sondage népalais sur les niveaux de vie au Canada est une recherche collaborative qui évalue l'incorporation économique et sociale des Népalais nouvellement immigrés au Canada. L'étude est basée sur des entrevues menées entre novembre 2015 et avril 2016 auprès de soixante-deux ménages népalais dans la région de Toronto et ses environs. Nous démontrons dans cet article que, ceux qui ont immigré du Népal depuis 2012 se déploient encore pour trouver un travail à la hauteur de leurs attentes malgré leur capital humain généralement élevé. La persistance des familles à revenu unique et le manque de participation féminine sur le marché du travail semblent être un facteur dans ce combat de survie. Cependant, ceux qui ont immigré plus tôt affirment qu'ils sont plus solidement intégrés, tant sur le plan économique que social, dans la classe moyenne canadienne, même s'ils continuent d'être à la traîne par rapport à la population née au pays. Les deux groupes ont signalé un fort degré d'investissement dans l'éducation de leurs enfants. L'étude suggère que les décideurs trouvent des ressources pour la reconversion des immigrants actuels qui cherchent à obtenir un meilleur emploi, y compris des dispositions pour la garde des jeunes enfants. Enfin, les organisations bénévoles népalaises et canadiennes sont encouragées à poursuivre ces mêmes objectifs, à la fois avec les gouvernements et entre eux-mêmes. [End Page 69] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically reviews the current literature on immigration and settlement and provides a feminist analysis. It places a particular emphasis on immigrant mothers' experience in order to reframe research on Canadian immigration policies and practice. Through discussing how the three waves of feminism led to the historical development of Canadian immigration policies and settlement practice, this paper examines Nancy Fraser's (2008) thinking about the welfare state, "misframing," and neoliberalism for rethinking the "gender neutral" literature on immigration policies and settlement services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the creation, development, and significance of the office of Ukrainian chaplaincy in the Canadian military forces during World War II. Seven Ukrainian chaplains—three from the Ukrainian Catholic Church of Canada and four from the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of Canada— served the approximately 32,000-35,000 military personnel. Of these, three chaplains served in England and two in Europe. The work of the chaplains is discussed as is the role of their superiors in Canada and abroad. The paper evaluates the significance of the Ukrainian chaplaincy in the military effort, as well as in the development of the post-WWII Ukrainian Canadian community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1960s and 1970s William Kurelek was a widely recognized Canadian artist whose paintings were purchased for public and private collections in Canada and abroad. Kurelek was a celebrity when he died of cancer at fifty years of age in Toronto on November 3, 1977. This paper describes Kurelek's career—focusing on his exhibition history, his illustrated books, and the role played by his art dealer, Avrom Isaacs. His exhibition history showed him to be an incredibly prolific artist, one whose art was inspired by his religious and moral passions, by the prosaic stories of ordinary Canadians, by the Canadian landscape, and by his fascination with history. His illustrated books typically consisted of paintings and drawings organized into a series designed to tell a story—a device also used for many of his exhibitions. Kurelek's own life story, told in his own words, provided the story line for his best loved books such as A Prairie Boy's Winter and Lumberjack. Isaacs and Kurelek formed a comfortable and useful business relationship whereby Isaacs encouraged Kurelek to paint what he wanted and made Kurelek known to the press, the public, and the Canadian art establishment. Finally, the paper reviews William Kurelek: The Messenger, the 2011 catalogue for Kurelek's latest major retrospective exhibition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public interest in the influence of neighbourhoods on immigrant integration in Canadian society has been growing in recent years; yet, there are few studies that explain the effect of neighbourhoods on immigrant experiences of exclusion in Canada. Drawing on in-depth interviews (12 males and 13 females) and a focus group discussion (five females and three males) conducted with Ghanaian immigrant youth between the ages of 18 to 30 from the Ghanaian community in the Jane and Finch neighbourhood of Toronto in May to June, 2011, this paper discusses the experiences of social and spatial exclusion among Ghanaian immigrant youth. Drawing on socio-spatial dialectics, the findings suggest that Ghanaian immigrant youth experiences of socio-spatial exclusion are intertwined in a dialectical process involving the Jane and Finch neighbourhood and the general public. In particular, the youth negotiate access to employment opportunities, shopping malls and counter exclusion through reformulation of resumes, and masking of their actual neighbourhoods. This paper fills an important gap in our knowledge of the lived experiences of African immigrant youth and contributes to our understanding of the dynamics of neighbourhood stigmatization and its impact on residents' integration into the larger society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of international borders in the formation of national identities and processes of inclusion is well established. The aim of this paper is to examine immigrants' narratives of their everyday experiences in Ottawa-Gatineau, paying particular attention to relations between place, culture and identity in order to reflect, on processes of inclusion and belonging in a subnational border context. Canada's National Capital Region is unique in that it is located on the most politically and symbolically charged interprovincial border within the country: between Ontario and Quebec. Although this border has little impact on individuals' everyday lives, major differences in culture, language, service provision, and policies shape residents' experiences and sense of place. Immigrants' narratives of their representations of and daily interactions with the two dominant groups - Anglophones in Ottawa (ON) and Francophones in Gatineau (QC) - reveal contrasting, asymmetrical processes of inclusion across the border. These different experiences suggest that distinct dynamics animate the relationship between place, culture, belonging and identity formation in Ottawa compared to Gatineau. These differences are examined through a comparative analysis of the narratives of two immigrant groups - Spanish-speaking Latin American and French-speaking sub-Saharan African immigrants - which serve to highlight the role of language/ linguistic affinity and ethnicity/race in these processes. The paper contributes to recent research and debates on (1) processes of belonging and identity formation in transborder contexts, and (2) immigrant experiences of inclusion, belonging and identity formation in Canadian society and in relation to Canada's two dominant groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Not being read or identified by others as "Canadian" was a common thread in semi-structured in-depth interviews I conducted with 19 young adults of mixed race in a Western Canadian urban context. In this paper, I address moments of (in)ability for people of mixed race to claim "Canadian." Mixed race people have a complex relationship with identifying and narrating their identities as "Canadian" through the operation of race and ethnicity in the Canadian context, and because of ambivalent and contradictory readings of their bodies. I found that they deploy the term in three ways: by expressing a sense of being "Canadian-first," by stating that there exists an understanding that "Canadian means white," and by strategically using the term "Canadian" in their interactions with others, signaling an active appropriation of the term. However, none of these deployments are mutually exclusive: they overlap and bleed into each other, playing off and impacting one another. This paper adds to nascent Canadian Critical Mixed Race studies and also redresses a gap in the literature on "Canadian identity" by examining how the ability to claim "Canadian" is racialized through a consideration of the experiences of mixed race people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Did the introduction of the Charter of Quebec Values in September 2013 signal a repudiation of Quebec's longstanding consensus on liberal-pluralism in its dominant integration model? While the Charter died as a result of the election defeat of the minority Parti Québécois government in May, 2014, its salience and impact continues to be felt, in that it has moved the normative benchmarks around ethnocultural and ethno-religious diversity and represents a qualitatively new framework for regulating the terms of belonging in Quebec. This paper, however, contends that such a reading of the legacy of the Charter misses a significant part of the story. A broader contextual overview reveals that recent events in Quebec are conditioned by variables associated with the unfinished nature of a constitutive project for national integration. Regardless of whether or not the proposed Charter signaled a permanent normative turn in Quebec, or merely an intensification and greater polarization of an interminable argument, this paper will attempt to provide some context with which to interpret this 'trial balloon' of the minority Parti Québécois government in power from 2012-2014. I argue that this short-lived incursion into more exclusionary politics are the direct result of a variety of factors that go beyond standard normative principles usually attributed to citizenship and actually reflect structural difficulties associated with Quebec's status as an unrecognized minority nation. The article will proceed to highlight the primary identity-forging initiatives undertaken by Quebec in lieu of citizenship, and conclude with some reflections on some distortions that may be attributable to a protracted, frustrated and unfinished constitutive journey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the studies of citizenship practices and health and safety literature, this paper explores the reporting of workplace injuries and hazards among Latin American immigrants in Southwestern Ontario. The paper examines how (under-)reporting is shaped by three conditions: the knowledge of workers' rights, job (in)security, and ethnic identities. Recognizing knowledge as a significant factor which enables or constrains the capacity to claim one's citizenship rights, we demonstrate that even when Latin American immigrant workers develop a good understanding of their rights, many are still unable to assert them. We argue that this lack of rights access reflects the intersection of two relevant factors - workplace (in)security and ethnic and immigrant identities - which discourage their reporting. In particular, we demonstrate that since Latin American immigrants often find themselves in subordinate positions in the Canadian labour market, they choose not to report injuries and unsafe working environments for fear of discipline and reprisals. In addition, immigrant, regional, ethnic, and home country identities, all of which can limit or contradict a full sense of citizenship, appear to exert some influence on the way workers understand their workplace rights. The paper is based on 44 in-depth interviews conducted with Latin American immigrants in 2010. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the Canadian Labour Force Survey for March of 2006 to 2012, this paper examines how employment in precarious jobs may lead to lower earnings among Canadian newcomers. Results suggest that recent immigrants are struggling financially due to wage disparities created by precarious employment. Both males and females experience an initial earnings disadvantage which is further exacerbated by being employed in involuntary part-time work, temporary work and multiple jobs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the 2008 General Social Survey to assess differences in mastery or sense of personal control among Canada's ethno-racial groups. Findings reveal that Canadians express considerable mastery, but the three principal minority communities - the French, Indigenous Peoples, and especially visible minorities - exhibit the lowest levels. Multivariate analyses show that socioeconomic factors are primarily responsible for the somewhat lower mastery of French and Indigenous Canadians. In contrast, much of the lower mastery among visible minorities is attributable to ethnocultural influences: visible minorities are more likely to be recent immigrants, Allophones, and practicing non-Christians and these factors are associated with lower mastery. Even with controls, visible minorities report the lowest mastery of all groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores Canada's accelerated expansion of international university enrollments from the perspective of 72 international students and graduates from 29 countries, who participated in semi-structured interviews conducted in the four provincial capitals of Canada's Atlantic region. Addressing the emerging campus diversity and incoming students' immigration potential, this research illustrates that students encounter campus dynamics and immigration policy landscapes shaped by long-spanning histories of race and ethnic relations, by current multi-scalar iterations of economic development, and by regional reorganizations of immigration and higher education in Canada. In turn, the ways students experience and negotiate their positions within these contexts is directed by multigenerational projects of geographic and social mobility, to include key lessons learned about the possibility of long-term settlement in Canada. Set in less populous urban centers in Canada's Atlantic provinces, the outcomes reported here also provide an opportunity to explore international students' experiences outside Canada's large metropolitan areas and more predictable sites of education internationalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on the findings of a study of the experiences of discrimination faced by internationally- trained engineers in Canada. Three hundred foreign-trained and two hundred locallytrained engineers were surveyed in order to identify the relationship of race, language proficiency, and location of training in finding work in the engineering field. In addition to measuring whether the applicants found work in the engineering field, this paper also sought to understand the perception of discrimination of internationally-trained engineers. Our findings demonstrate the relationship of race/ethnicity and its related marker-foreign training-with both ability to secure work in the engineering field and perceptions of discrimination. In the case of new immigrants, location of training was found to be a significant predictor of ability to find work in the engineering field, where locally-trained engineers were far more likely to acquire a job in the engineering field than foreign-trained engineers. Race/ethnicity was also found to be significantly associated with getting an engineering job among the locally-trained engineers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on one segment of a research project that was funded by the former Prairie Metropolis Centre. The research utilizes a large quantitative data set in Canada, the Ethnic Diversity Survey, to develop a specific index to measure the social, cultural, and civic integration of immigrants in Canada and then selectively applies it for some comparative analyses. The paper begins with a definition of integration and then reviews the literature on measuring immigrant integration in Europe and the United States as well as the relevant Canadian literature that foregrounds the variables that we considered for a Canadian immigrant integration index. We then explain how, using factor analysis, our immigrant integration index is developed for Canada. Finally, the paper applies this social integration index and presents some of the results where this index is applied. More specifically, this last part of the paper presents comparative social integration index scores and analysis for: 1) nativity (comparing immigrants to the Canadian-born); 2) generational status; 3) racialized (visible) minority status; and 3) nativity by generation and racialized (visible) minority status. While there are statistically significant differences in all of these comparisons, one of our major findings is that integration, as measured by our index, is not that different between immigrants and the Canadian-born. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses one particular feature of Canada's accommodation of diversity -- the existence of French-language communities outside of Quebec and New Brunswick -- to show how there continues to be conceptual difficulties in reconciling Canada's many diversities. More specifically, we are concerned with conceptual ambiguities associated with the place of these minority communities in Canada's constitutive political sociology, and difficulties in promoting a coherent set of policies for their flourishing. Moreover, this paper will not simply rehash arguments about their forma and conceptual status. We are interested in illuminating a recent initiative that seeks to direct immigrants to these communities in the hope of maintaining their overall percentage of the Canadian population. This is a development that has received little attention to date from the perspective of the scholarship of multiculturalism and minority rights, and political theory more generally. We argue that the strategy to target Francophone minority communities as 'sites' of integration represents a false promise for both these communities and immigrants. This article will show that the federal framework of 'multiculturalism within a bilingual framework' obscures the realities confronting Francophone minority communities and thus their capacity to integrate newcomers, on both empirical and normative grounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores current issues in English as a Second Language (ESL[1]) policies and programs for adult immigrants in Canada from a critical multiculturalism perspective. In the context of Canadian policies on immigration, bilingualism, and multiculturalism, the paper first provides an overview of language education in Canada historically. Current trends and issues in language programs for adult immigrants are then explored by examining discourses of integration at the level of both policy and practice, by looking at problems of teaching Canadian values, and by critiquing the emphasis on employability in language programs. Implications for language education for adult immigrants are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of a Temporary Foreign Worker (TFW) program is to fill occupational labour shortages until local workers are available. Such a program ensures that fast growing firms can hire foreign workers to avoid a slowdown or a stop in their activities. A necessary condition for such a program is to give priority to local workers in hiring. In addition, in the medium term, shortages must be eliminated by increases in local labour supply. Hence, this immigration policy involves constraints to participating firms which must be strictly respected. Since its creation in 1973, the Canadian TFW program has experienced a large number of changes which made it more accessible. Among them, in 2002, the TFW program became available for all occupations, skilled and low-skilled. There is increasing evidence that the program has had adverse impacts on some resident workers in Canada. This paper shows that this is also the case in the province of Quebec. The main shortcomings are the absence of adequate information about the labour markets and low TFW hiring costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrants account for almost a quarter of the Canadian working-age population and in the wake of the aging of the population this proportion is deemed to increase even more. Yet despite their high-level education, immigrants experience difficulty in integrating into the Canadian labour market. Many factors are put forth to account for this such as a lack of recognition for their foreign credentials, the uneven quality of their diplomas, their insufficient knowledge of the official languages, discrimination, etc. This paper points out a less frequently emphasised factor that could partly explain the immigrants’ difficulties to integrate into the labour market: their literacy skills. Using the OECD’s survey data on adult skills (PIAAC), the authors compare the literacy skills of the immigrants and the Canadian-born population. This study focuses on active participants in the labour market aged between 25 and 54 years old. Results suggest that the higher level of overqualification observed among immigrants could partly be explained by their lower literacy skill level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of its 'white Canada' policy, Canadian officials denied entry to 376 Indian immigrants who arrived aboard the Komagata Maru in 1914. Although the Komagata Maru affair was among the first Canadian immigration controversies to generate international media coverage, little is known about the nature of this coverage. In this paper, we examine the extent to which media coverage of the event reflected a range of racial (Orientalism; Canada's white destiny), political (the British Empire and Indian nationalism), and economic threat (economic depression, wage competition) ideologies. Our analysis of 193 newspaper articles published between May 5th and July 30th, 1914 finds that most articles emphasize the political implications, followed by race, and then by economic competition. By portraying the passengers not only as radicals but also as threats to the very fabric of the British Empire, the media delegitimized the migrants' claims to move freely within it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to the literature on the intersections of age, generation, immigrant status, and racialization. In particular, it will bring into the discussion: (1) the perspectives of victims and service providers on the causes of, barriers to, and alleviation of abuse of older adults; and (2) continuities and changes in the social meanings of age, including the intersectionalities between age and other social hierarchies, such as immigrant status and membership in a racialized group. Using data obtained from a study consisting of interviews of service providers, and older adult abuse victims in the Toronto Punjabi and Tamil communities, this paper seeks to answer questions regarding the causes of family violence, barriers to obtaining services, and proposed solutions. The main themes arising from the respondents' views fall within structural and cultural categories, with language barriers, the role of culture, and stigmatization among others emerging as key factors. Importantly, the data suggests that there exists a disconnect between victims and service providers, with the majority of victims supporting an anti-racist approach, while the majority of service providers fall within the multicultural model. This study suggests that the problem of abuse of older adults is compounded by deficient service provision and government policy. The recommended solution is to reach beyond culturally and linguistically specific services toward full engagement with immigrant communities, to prevent further harm toward older immigrant adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over half of all migrants to Canada are under 29 years of age and one quarter arrive as refugees. Studies on occupational achievements and labour market status have been largely ignored in favour of studies on adult migrants rather than on youth. This paper uses data collected from two sources: a national study of newly-arrived newcomer youth living in Toronto, Hamilton, Winnipeg and Vancouver using qualitative interviews, and a quantitative analysis of the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada (LSIC). The focus of this paper is to use these datasets to better understand the high school trajectory of recently arrived newcomer youth and compare their experiences. We are particularly interested in the influence of education attained in Canada compared to education attained outside of Canada and the differences, if any, in labour market outcomes. The findings reveal distinctly slower trajectories through high school among those arriving as refugees, those lacking English or French language instruction prior to arrival, and issues with grade placement. These are identified as significant barriers to entering post-secondary education and to subsequent labour market success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Western Canada, away from cities such as Vancouver, Calgary, Regina, and Winnipeg, where fewer immigrants arrive, newcomers often inject vital lifeblood into local economies, bring new ideas for businesses, and further diversify the ethno-cultural profiles of rural communities. Yet, there is far less research on settlement services available in rural communities and smaller urban centres. This paper explores the perceptions of 159 officials from settlement service organizations (SPOs) across 32 rural communities in Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada's Western region, which consists of the four western provinces and three northern territories. A mixed method approach was used to investigate SPOs' organizational capacity, partnerships and assessment needs in three sub-categories of rural communities: remote, small, and medium-sized. The majority of SPOs reported sufficient capacity to communicate and coordinate with stakeholders and meet reporting requirements. In contrast, a majority of SPOs also reported a lack of capacity for investing in governance and strategic planning. Smaller communities (less than 30,000 population) were the most challenged in providing settlement services. The conclusions call for more support for SPOs and a more robust and integrated settlement services provision system that can meet the needs of all categories of immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canadian housing policy and the categorical distinction between refugees, who receive government support for housing, and those who do not, demonstrate that obligations to refugees are increasingly being met by ethno-cultural communities, religious groups, refugee kinship networks, and community-based organizations. Devolving authority and responsibility for the provision of housing and of settlement services to the level of community does provide opportunities for input and decision-making autonomy on the part of community-based organizations (CBOs). 'Community' undoubtedly has a robust function in refugee service provision; however, such a function is realized amidst structures of differential market access and market power, as well as varying degrees of familiarity and capability within the local environment. Using a case study situated in Winnipeg, Manitoba, this article considers how refugee status and community actors contribute to refugee housing outcomes in a context in which refugee well-being is increasingly becoming 'neo-liberalized', or made a 'private' affair predicated on market processes and voluntary contributions. Community grounded research can help academics guard against categorical assumptions about community and institutional change, analysis which tempts us to abstract from the particular and ascribe such change to the often ungrounded, but always powerful, meta-value and meta-narrative of neoliberalism. Such research can write agential actors back into the narratives and analysis of wide-scale political, economic and social change. In short, this paper offers an approach that recognizes both the possibilities and limitations within community-based approaches to refugee service provision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Problems related to the recognition of skills and education acquired by immigrants abroad and their ability to translate them into similar work and income in Canada are well-known. What is less known is the extent to which skills are devalued in the Canadian labour market. Data from the Western Canadian Settlement Survey1, a random sample of over 3,000 newcomers to western Canada, provides insights into the extent to which job status decline occurs. This paper attempts to quantify, insofar as possible the mismatch between education and skills attained abroad by comparing prearrival and post-arrival job statuses amongst newcomers to Canada who have been in the country for five years or less. Using a dual labour market perspective, our results reveal that there is, in fact, a significant decline in job status for newcomers, which is influenced by province of residence, place of education attainment, and length of time in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper engages recent debates over equity group representation among university professors. Since at least the time of John Porter's publication of The Vertical Mosaic,the correlation between ethnicity, education, and employment success has been shown. The most troubling of Porter's research findings was the persistence of a stratified Canadian workforce and society. Using data from the 1991, 1996, 2001, and 2006 Canadian censuses, three questions are engaged: 1) How well are different equity groups represented among university professors? 2) Is their representation improving over time? and 3) Does looking at the pool of earned doctorates matter in the analysis of equity group representation among university professors? The paper shows that when looking at crude comparisons of the proportion of equity groups in the general population to the proportion of equity groups in the professorate, visible minorities have moved from being overrepresented to underrepresented, Aboriginal peoples are consistently underrepresented by a small amount, and women are significantly underrepresented, although the gap is narrowing over time. When additional analysis is done by looking at comparisons of the proportion of equity groups who work as university professors compared to the national average of all people working as university professors, similar conclusions are made; however, Aboriginal peoples are more severely underrepre-sented when making this comparison. When the proportion of equity groups with earned doctorates is examined and compared against the proportion working as university professors, we see surprising differences: women appear to be overrepresented or at parity depending on the calculation used, Aboriginal peoples are almost at parity or slightly underrepresented, and visible minorities are underrepresented irrespective of measurement or method used to assess their representation in the professoriate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to critically explore the meaning making theoretical perspectives underlying the creation and development of a public mentoring program, allegedly designed as an inclusionary strategy for facilitating newcomers' labour market integration. Building upon findings outlined in the program's latest Evaluation Report (Bejan 2011) and drawing upon participant-observation as an inductive field-based research strategy, this paper questions the uncontested legitimization of the cited program as a positive inclusionary strategy and claims it perpetuates the very same discriminatory practices and systemic barriers that impede immigrants' ability to fully participate within the Canadian labour market. It further argues that, despite its affirmed inclusion-ary objective, the program's formation is rooted in theoretical perspectives that justify exclusion, reproducing and maintaining, by extension, an exclusionary status quo. As a result, it rejects the application of social capital and social inclusion/exclusion theories, those hypothetically deemed to be guiding the program's development, and those traditionally used as explanatory for newcomers' inability to successfully participate within the labour market. It then proposes a structural perspective as a theoretical base to direct the program's future design. Its conclusion emerged from the author's interpretative framework, that only a structural approach will draw attention to the power imbalances and discrepancies between Canadian-born individuals and newcomers, as they relate to the issues of labour market participation and subsequent economic gains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the lived experiences of Chinese-Canadian youth in Alberta in relation to two multiculturalism debates: multiculturalism as a politics of recognition and multiculturalism as a cohesive force. It focuses on three themes of their lived experiences, which include racial discrimination and stereotypes in school; biased media representation; and the relationship between ethnic language maintenance, sense of belonging and multiculturalism policy within a bilingual framework. Two findings are highlighted in this paper. First, the racism youth experienced at school and the racist discourse against Chinese-Canadian students found in Canadian media indicate that Chinese Canadians as racialized and ethnic minorities have not been recognized and treated as equal partners in social interactions with the White dominant group. The multicultural policy focus and task of addressing racism in the 1980s has yet to be finished despite current multicultural policy having a new focus. Second, multiculturalism within a bilingual framework is more an assimilating force than a divisive one. Given the separation of language rights and cultural rights as well as the strong linguistic and cultural assimilation forces in major Canadian institutions, it is less likely for Chinese-Canadian youth to maintain their ethnic language and culture. The main factor that affects their sense of belonging to Canada is the racism in Canadian society rather than the symbolic recognition of diversity that multiculturalism encourages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the paper is to re-examine the value of multiculturalism and develop an argument that it is a key policy not only for nation-building, but also for ensuring a more inclusive, equal and democratic society for Canadian citizens. First, the paper introduces the historical development of multiculturalism, emphasizing the evolving meaning of multiculturalism. A meaningful evaluation of multiculturalism requires us to reframe the understanding or interpretation of the policy in the twenty-first century Canadian context where the domestic and international situations have changed tremendously in the last forty years. With this context in mind, the paper explores in what directions multiculturalism should be developed along with other Canadian values such as equality and democracy. Finally, a working argument is put forward with a vision to broadening the scope of multiculturalism, with strong emphasis on ethno-religious diversity, to include all types of cultures, so that every citizen is drawn into an inclusive and collective process in which Canada charts its discourse of national identity and nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a comparison between the two ways of managing immigration and diversity existing in Canada: multiculturalism (Canada-wide) and interculturalism (Quebec). While some authors (see Juteau, McAndrew and Pietrantonio 1998) argue that the two policies are more similar than different, others, like Gérard Bouchard (2011), argue that interculturalism is a rather unique model of managing diversity in Quebec. In this paper we aim to make a contribution to the debate by providing an analysis of the way both models understand immigrants' participation in their new society. Indeed, both models seem to consider participation as having a central role in the process of integrating newcomers. However, we will show that the reasons put forward by inter-culturalism and by multiculturalism to explain their interest in participation are very different. On the one hand, multiculturalism recognizes the importance of participation as a way of protecting individual identities, in line with the spirit of liberalism. On the other hand, for interculturalism, the issue of participation seems to be more fundamental: not only is participation one of the founding pillars of the policy, but it is also consistent with the political, legal and historical characteristics of the province of Quebec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Allegations of terrorism have caused immigrant populations to be questioned with respect to their political identities and their national loyalties. Even among populations that have been raised primarily in their country of settlement, there is a concern regarding their level of attachment to the homeland. The process by which these second generation populations determine their loyalties and identities is complex and dynamic. This paper examines how Tamil Canadians negotiate both their personal and political identities in a charged environment, particularly following the designation of the Tamil Tigers as a terrorist organization. Based on in-depth interviews conducted with second-generation Sri Lankan Tamils in Toronto, the paper explores how the members of the dias-poric community negotiate their Canadian and Tamil identities, and the process through which they determine their loyalties between Sri Lanka -- their homeland -- and Canada -- their country of settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of multiculturalism has become a fixture in Canadian society as part of a nation-building mechanism. In many ways, this suggests a perception that public policies promoting multicul-turalism are working. However, this perception is based on assumptions that there is a coherent and shared definition and understanding of the implementation of multiculturalism policies. This paper reports the findings of an exploratory study that examined how multiculturalism policies are actualized at the grassroots level through community organizations. This study involved key informant interviews and focus groups of government staff responsible for the delivery of multicultural-ism at the federal, provincial, and municipal levels, as well as discussions with service users and service providers of multiculturalism. Findings of this study show that, first, there is a difference in the understanding of the meaning of the policies among these research participants. Second, there has been a subtle shift of governmental interpretation of multiculturalism policies to an antiracist perspective. Third, although both federal and provincial governments have positioned community organizations as key partners in actualizing multiculturalism policies at the grassroots level, their relationship has been strained, i.e., in order to attain their goals for multiculturalism, community organizations have had to adapt to changing rules and to learn how to maneuver through the funding process. Some policy implications are suggested at the end of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the questions of whether the portrayal of Japanese Canadians in the media has changed over time and what accounts for the change or the lack thereof. These questions were addressed by conducting a content analysis of the portrayal of Japanese Canadians in the Globe and Mail from 1946 to 2000. Using frame analysis, this paper shows that the frames used to portray Japanese Canadians changed from the Unthreatening Community Frame, 1946-1980, to the Justified Victims Frame, 1981-1990, to the Model Minority Frame, 1991-2000. The findings indicate that the frames are not just imposed on Japanese Canadians by the media, but that they reflect the interaction of the changing norms of the Globe and Mail, as well as the changing Japanese Canadian experience. However, all the frames overlook the complex nature of the Japanese Canadian community and minimize past and current discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how ethnoracial minorities fared in getting elected as MPs in the Canadian general elections of 2006 and 2008 -- an analysis guided by descriptive characterizations and interpretative themes discerned from studies of minority parliamentary representation over the 1993-2004 period. This paper also examines more specific categories that make up the minority population, thus allowing for perspectives on both inter-group differences and longitudinal effects. A key finding is that for minorities taken as a whole, as well as for the overall category of visible minorities, the 2006 and 2008 results fit an already-established pattern of quite modest increases in minority representation (as in 2006) interrupted by occasional decline (as in 2008). In addition, for both visible minorities as a group and for most of their constituent subcategories, the overwhelming evidence is of persisting representation deficits which are defined by MP percentages that are less than the corresponding population percentages. There is also evidence that the association of minority MPs with the Liberal party, observed as waning over the 1993-2004 period, continued to do so in 2006 and 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses a public history project conducted by the author for the Danish Canadians of Montreal in the 1990s. The Danish Canadian community expected that researching their community history would help them recover a more authentic ethnicity and shine a light on their group's unique ethnocultural practices. However, to the community's disappointment, historical research instead revealed a strong trend toward Anglo-conformity, to the point that many Danish Canadians were nearly indistinguishable in Montreal's Anglophone society. In the current climate where the concept of the ethnic mosaic is emphasized in Canada, the history project dealt a blow to their sense of identity and led them to question whether they were ever ethnic at all. In addition to examining the history of a rarely-studied group, this paper explores changing notions of what has constituted immigrant success, and looks at one group's struggle to adapt to the larger society's shifting visions and values surrounding ethnicity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly people, including academics, tend to conceive of the world as based on essentialised ethnic or cultural categories. Thus, research on the second generation often takes for granted that this population has a bicultural identity. In this paper, I define the concept of identity as the subjectively constructed set of groups of belonging which the individual considers to be most important to and most characteristic of his/her Self. I then attempt to determine whether or not second-generation youth feel a strong attachment toward the ethnic origin of their immigrant parent(s). The paper relies on in-depth interviews conducted in Quebec and Montreal with 28 youth (18 to 25 years of age), who were born in Quebec and who have at least one immigrant parent. Respondents were mainly identified through birth registries, thus avoiding the use of self-identification for recruitment. Results show great variety in the identities chosen by second-generation youth. Relatively few identify with their immigrant parent(s)' ethnic origin. Those who do have diverse representations of these groups, which are nonetheless generally cultural or ethnocultural in content. This form of identification with cultural or ethnocultural groups is shown to be compatible with a civic allegiance to Canada or Quebec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the lived experiences of young people growing up Greek Canadian and Jewish Canadian in Halifax, Nova Scotia. It is based on data collected in a pilot study conducted with second-generation Greek and second-, third-, and fourth-generation Jewish youth in Halifax in 2004-05. Most of the existing research on the second generation and beyond lumps together the experiences of different ethnocultural groups. Perhaps even more importantly, the existing research tends to focus almost exclusively on the second- (or third- or fourth-) generation's experiences in major urban centres. In this paper we forge new paths by exploring the experiences of ethnic youth in a smaller Canadian urban centre within a region with low concentrations of immigrant populations and ethnic groups. We thus argue for the importance and effects of the specific place of settlement on ethno-cultural identity. Family and community expectations, relations, and practices, and negotiating family and community norms within the context of the institutional norms and practices in the areas of education, employment, gender, and family relations within the broader frame of Canadian society are highlighted. A comparative analysis between the two groups is adopted throughout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canadian assessments of First Nation and Aboriginal education lack any real modelling of reasons for the particular patterns of attainment — it is this void that we wish to fill. This paper examines educational attainment in First Nations communities using combined data from the 1996 Census and Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development Education Survey for the school year 1995/1996, aggregated to the band level, for registered and non-registered Indian and Inuit students who live on reserve in Canada. Multiple sequential regression analysis is used to model the educational success of grade 12 and 13 students with community level characteristics, including an isolation variable, school type variable, demographic variables, economic variables, and human capital variables. We use three measures of educational success: the age appropriate rate, graduate rate, and withdrawal rate. It is shown that the community level variables are similar in their explanatory power of educational success; however, the effects of variables within blocks on measures of educational success differ. The demography and human capital blocks play a particularly important role for all three measures of educational success. Additional analysis includes an examination of standardized regression weights. The paper discusses research and policy implications and articulates future avenues for research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between the Protestant churches and Japanese Canadians during and following the Second World War in their forced resettlement to central Canadian urban centers like Toronto and Hamilton, Ontario. While recent studies have focused on the forced movement of Japanese Canadian eastward to the rural areas of Manitoba and Ontario, this paper goes one step further, examining what was for many the last stage of relocation: urban settlement. More importantly, this paper provides a reinterpretation of the relationship between Japanese Canadians and Canadian society during the Second World War. Protestant churches such as the United and Anglican Churches of Canada followed the federal government's intention to have Japanese Canadians live geographically separated from one another in cities like Toronto and Hamilton, but a close look at church attendance and the social function of churches will show how Japanese Canadians were able to use the churches to their own ends in maintaining and strengthening their community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper summarizes the author's involvement, as director of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies (CIUS) at the University of Alberta, in the preparation of the first two volumes of the five-volume Encyclopedia of Ukraine, published between 1984 and 1993 by the University of Toronto Press on behalf of the institute, the Canadian Foundation for Ukrainian Studies, and the Shevchenko Scientific Society (NTSh), based in Sarcelles, France. The account describes the motivation behind the project, its main personnel, financial cost, and the numerous difficulties in working with scholars on two continents (North America and Europe) with differing conceptions of the project's nature and editorial control, rooted partly in differences of age but mainly in differing conceptions of new-world and old-world competencies. The resulting power struggle is a central feature of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of race and crime is one of the most controversial topics in Canada. This paper begins by exploring various theoretical models that have attempted to explain why some racial minority groups appear to be over-represented in official crime statistics. An effort is made to highlight the divergent policy implications associated with each model and how effective solutions must directly consider how race interacts with other identity markers -- including gender, age, social class, religion, and immigration status. The paper then moves on to a discussion of racial discrimination within the justice system. It is argued that the intersection of race and lower class position may contribute to the apparent disadvantage many minorities face when dealing with the police, the courts, and corrections. The paper then turns to the issue of criminal victimisation. Emphasis is placed on the high rates of violent victimisation experienced by both minority men and women in this country and how researchers and governments should address the problem of hate crime. The next section of the paper examines how race may interact with both social class and linguistic ability to impede access to high quality justice services. The paper concludes with a detailed discussion of data needs and the many obstacles that researchers face when trying to conduct research on these issues in Canada. It is argued that the academic community must play more of a leadership role and help establish a research agenda that will facilitate the development of effective policy initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies 1996 Census data to look at the reporting patterns of the Métis population in selected Canadian urban centres. On the 20 Percent Sample of the 1996 Census, people could self-identify as Métis and/or report Métis ethnic origins. Quite often, due to time and space constraints, research on the Métis population has applied only one of these census questions. This paper will consider whether combining origin and identity information would result in a broader definition that more accurately reflects the situation of urban Métis in Canada.(n1) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2001 Census of Canada has questions on the "Country of Birth of Parents" as well as the more traditional "Ethnic Origin." It has been suggested that, given the ambiguities in the ethnic origins data, they could be replaced by the country of birth of parents data. It is argued in this paper that such a decision would effectively create two classes of Canadians - True Canadians, who are primarily of Western European descent, and Immigrant Canadians, who are primarily from Southern Europe and the Third World. Specifically, the paper examines the historical continuity in the 1996-2001 ethnic origins data, the extent to which specific ethnic origins were reported by persons whose parents were born in Canada, the countries of birth of fathers and mothers, and the extent to which reported ethnic origins are associated with specific countries. Alternative data sources for some of the ethnic origins data from the Census are explored. The paper concludes with some of the ramifications for the Department of Canadian Heritage if country of birth of parents were to replace ethnic origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the spatial residential patterns of recent immigrant groups to Canada and compares them with other selected European groups to understand the differences, their causes and consequences. Using census data from the 2001 Canadian Census for the metropolitan areas and census tracts, various measures of concentration and segregation are examined. Preliminary analysis of the data show that substantial differences exist among the ethnic groups in their residential patterns. The differences seem to be along not only social class lines but also along social distance and ethnic cohesion dimensions. There does not seem to be much change in the last decade. The paper further explores whether the extent of residential segregation decreases in later generations. The persistence of ethnic enclaves over time has important policy implication. On the positive side, they are important in preserving aspects of the ethnic culture such as language, customs, religious beliefs, lifestyle, etc. They emphasize the cultural diversity of Canada. On the negative side, they may promote discrimination and prejudice and the development of ghettoes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analytic paper explores the use of ethnic origin census data in policy- and practice-relevant health research. It begins with a definition of key terms, outlines the importance of ethnicity and health research, and provides a summary overview of the existing research literature. This is followed by a review of the changing formulation and format of the "ethnic origin" question itself through time, and a consideration of the implications thereof for data usage. The paper next examines the use of ethnic origin data in health research, considers data linkages with various health status indicators, and explores linkages with other health-related surveys; it also outlines the use of ethnic origin information in health policy development, programme planning, and service delivery. The discussion then turns to an identification of core issues, the provision of concrete suggestions for addressing the conceptual and methodological challenges identified, and the presentation of key recommendations for future directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]