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Rad na osnovi trostruke tipologije nacije i nacionalizma Anthonyja D. Smitha i metode kvalitativne analize sadržaja proučava poruke deset odabranih govora predsjednika Franje Tuđmana. Cilj mu je ustanoviti je li koncept nacije prvoga predsjednika Republike Hrvatske bio baziran na demosu ili etnosu i je li bio stalan ili se mijenjao kroz vrijeme te što je uzrokovalo te promjene. Polazišna točka istraživanja premisa je o presudnom utjecaju Tuđmanove osobe na formiranje hrvatskoga nacionalnog identiteta u prvom desetljeću neovisnosti., The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political speeches of the Croatia’s first President Franjo Tudjman in the light of Anthony D. Smith’s tripartite typology of ethnic, civic and plural concepts of nationhood. Its goal is to determine which one of these models President Tudjman had been advocating and whether his views on this matter had been stable or if they had varied through time. The underlying premise is that Tudjman - as the leader of the Croatia’s (armed) struggle for independence and as an authoritative figure in the Croatia’s semi-presidential system of the 1990’s - played a pivotal role in modelling the Croatian national self-concept in the first decade of its statehood. The qualitative content analysis showed that Tudjman’s first speeches in the year 1990 had had an almost ideal-typical civic structure with their emphasis on civil rights and duties of all citizens of the Republic, regardless of their ethnic background. However, already in 1991 his rhetoric changed drastically due to the outbreak of the Serb rebellion in Croatia and the following Serbian military aggression. Henceforth, Tudjman’s discourse had been laden by often vitriolic remarks against the Serb minority, culminating in the hate-speech in Knin after the Croatia’s decisive military victory against the rebels in the summer military operation “the Storm” of 1995. Nonetheless, even in the belligerent period between 1991 and 1995, the rhetoric of the first President of Croatia always included a civic component, as well as hints to a possible pluri-national solution of the conflict epitomized in his repeated references to the Serb “national rights” within Croatia. Tudjman’s post-war speeches continued to move to and fro between ethnic and civic ideal types, revealing the President’s deep-rooted internal conflict amid the two paradigms. It can be concluded that Tudjman’s hybrid concept of the Croatian nation corresponds to the dualistic process of Croatian nation-building from the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, which, due to specific circumstances, followed parallel routes termed by Smith as “nation-to-state” and “state-to-nation”. It is, therefore, reasonable to believe that it will continue to influence debates on the Croatian national self-understanding in the future.

Prikaz knjige., Book review.

Prikaz knjige., Book review.

Prikaz knjige., Book review.

Autor ističe neke aspekte kretanja stanovništva Brodsko-posavske županije (bivše općine Slavonski Brod i Nova Gradiška), odnosno posebno se osvrće na dva međupopisna razdoblja (1981. – 1991. i 1991. – 2001.). Naglasak je stavljen na pokušaj utvrđivanja razmjera demografskih promjena kao posljedica Domovinskoga rata. Dakle, najviše riječi će biti o popisnom i prirodnom kretanju stanovništva, migracijskom saldu te o narodnosnoj strukturi stanovništva., The Homeland War influenced demographic change throughout the Republic of Croatia. This work seeks to clarify some of the aspects of demographic change which took place in the territory of the Brodsko-Posavska County between the censuses taken in 1991 and 2001. Other than direct population losses, which had a large impact on the population, this territory experienced unfavourable trends in migration. In this County, created out of the former districts of Nova Gradiška and Slavonski Brod, various indicators are apparent, and the greater vitality of the population of the Slavonski Brod area is obvious. The demographic impact of the Homeland War can be observed to its greatest extent on patterns of migration and in the national structure of the population. Yet the war was not the decisive influence on negative demographic patterns because the processes of mechanical and natural depopulation as well as unfavourable migration processes were intensified as early as the 1970s. This is especially true of the district of Nova Gradiška. Indeed, the Homeland War was one of the destabilizing factors in the demographic development of the County, but it did not have a decisive impact on the other demographic patterns. Special attention has to be paid to the wide dispersal of the population and its national structure because the Homeland War had a rather large influence on this issue. The western regions of the County were almost entirely abandoned by the Serb population, and a very small portion returned. Besides being depopulated, the population of this region is also aged; moreover, those who have returned to live here tend to be older as well. This is substantiated by the natural migration of the population from the territory of the former district of Nova Gradiška, which in the last census was unfavourable. According to the results of the last census, there was also a large change in the nationality structure of the population. The number and proportion of Croats increased, while the numbers for other nationalities declined in relative and absolute terms. The largest decline occurred among the Serbs, whose numbers, compared to 1991, declined by 14,610 persons, or from 11.41% of the population to 3.02%. The category of Yugoslav was not listed in 2001, and the number of people claiming other nationality declined from 8,853 to 5,289, a decline of slightly more than 40%. The demographic losses recorded in the census were made up by migration of Croats from Bosnia and abroad, increasing thus the proportion of Croats in the population. It should be concluded that with regard to the beginning of the process of mechanical and natural depopulation of the Brodsko-Posavska County in the 1970s, the Homeland War did not have a decisive role in demographic trends, that is, in the changes recorded between the last two censuses, but that it had a decisive impact on the nationality structure of the population of the County.

Autor je u radu dao osnovne vojne značajke rata u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju 1991. - 1991. za koji smatra da je riječ o prvoj fazi Domovinskog rata. Dani su podaci o sukobljenim stranama, njihovim strategijama, planovima djelovanja, osnovnim značajkama rata i na kraju o saldu rata. Autor drži da je glavni akter krize u ovom razdoblju bila Jugoslavenska narodna armija koja je opredjeljenjem za Srbiju omogućila izbijanje rata. Rat protiv Republike Hrvatske bio je u prvom redu rat za zemlju, a glavni cilj rata može se opisati trima riječima: etnički očistiti područje., The theme of this article is the participants and the main characteristics of the Croatian battlefields from May 1990 until the end of 1991, that is, to 3 January, 1992. This covers the time period from the democratic elections and the change in government in Croatia, to the signing of the armistice between the Republic of Croatia and the Yugoslav People’s Army in Sarajevo. The war that created the Republic of Croatia was not chosen by Croatia. It was caused by a combination of events which obviously could not be avoided and the beginning of the bloody resolution of the Yugoslav crisis which had lasted years. In the 1980s, the project of communist Yugoslavia was brought to an end. Its future depended on an agreement among the republics, which, as time quickly revealed, could not agree on a peaceful separation. Serbia, Montenegro, and the Yugoslav People’s Army supported the option of “modern federation,” a centralized Yugoslavia based on the principle “one person, one vote.” Slovenia and Croatia offered confederation, that is, a community of sovereign states or separation according to the existing republican boundaries. Agreement could not be reached; war and the demise of Yugoslavia followed. War was initiated by Serbia, and the Yugoslav Army enabled it by siding with Serbia. Controversies about the Homeland War begin with the date on which the war even began. Participants date the beginning of the war from the beginning of hostilities, but these were merely manifestations of processes which were for a long time occurring beyond the public eye. In this regard, the Serbs are the most specific as they have been dating the beginning of the war from 17 August 1990 since 1992. Personally, I hold the war to have begun in the middle of May 1990 after the victory of the HDZ. Prior to the HDZ’s assumption of power, the Yugoslav Army disarmed the territorial defense force and began the transfer of peacetime forces. I consider the activity of the Yugoslav Army to mark the first phase of the war, from May 1990 to the beginning of March 1991. The second phase includes the events that occurred from the incidents at Pakrac to the occupation of Baranja and the village of Kijevo in Dalmatia, from March 1991 to the end of August 1991. The third phase took place from September 1991 to the beginning of January in 1992. The main characteristic of this phase is the open war of the main armed forces of Yugoslavia and the insurgent Serbs against the Republic of Croatia. The war against the Republic of Croatia was in the first instance a war for land and against the Croat people. The aim of the war can be reduced to three words: ethnically cleansed territory.